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Archives for : November2017

गजानन माधव मुक्तिबोध -क्लास खत्म होने के बाद भी पढ़ाते रहते थे

गजानन माधव मुक्तिबोध का जन्म 13 नवंबर 1917 को श्योपुर, ग्वालियर में हुआ था

जन्मशती विशेष: क्लास खत्म होने के बाद भी पढ़ाते रहते थे मुक्तिबोध

आधुनिक हिंदी में गहन वैचारिक रचनाओं के लिए विख्यात मुक्तिबोध आम जीवन में एक बहुत ही सरल व्यक्ति और ‘स्नेहिल पिता’ थे और ऐसे प्रतिबद्ध अध्यापक थे जो कक्षा खत्म होने की घंटी बजने के बावजूद बच्चों को पढ़ाते रहते थे.

मुक्तिबोध के जन्म शताब्दी वर्ष की समाप्ति पर उनके पुत्र रमेश मुक्तिबोध ने ‘भाषा’ के साथ स्मृतियों को साझा करते हुए बताया, ‘पिता के रूप में उन्होंने मुक्तिबोध को सदैव एक निर्मल स्वभाव वाले व्यक्ति के रूप में पाया. अपने को उन्होंने कभी सर्वेसर्वा या ऐसा नहीं माना कि वह ही सभी कुछ जानते हैं. कविता में वह कहते हैं, ‘मैं ब्रह्मराक्षस सृजन सेतु बनना चाहता हूं.’ वह जिंदगी भर सीखना और पढ़ना चाहते थे. संक्षेप में वह एक स्नेहिल पिता थे.

गजानन माधव मुक्तिबोध का जन्म 13 नवंबर 1917 को श्योपुर, ग्वालियर में हुआ था. मुक्तिबोध के रचनाकर्म में चांद का मुंह टेढ़ा है, भूरी-भूरी खाक धूल (कविता संग्रह), काठ का सपना, विपात्र, सतह से उठता आदमी (कहानी संग्रह), कामायनी :एक पुनर्विचार, नई कविता का आत्मसंघर्ष, नए साहित्य का सौन्दर्यशास्त्र (आखिर रचना क्यों), समीक्षा की समस्याएं और एक साहित्यिक की डायरी (आलोचनात्मक कृतियां) शामिल है.

कभी कोई क्लास नहीं छोड़ी

रमेश ने बताया कि 1958 में राजनांदगांव आने के बाद मुक्तिबोध दिग्विजय महाविद्यालय में साहित्य पढ़ाते थे, वहीं वह विज्ञान के छात्र थे. उनके बारे में बताया जाता है कि मुक्तिबोध ने कभी अपनी कोई क्लास नहीं छोड़ी. पढ़ाते समय उन्हें किसी प्रकार का विघ्न बर्दाश्त नहीं था.

उन्होंने ने बताया, ‘वह पढ़ाते-पढ़ाते इतने तल्लीन हो जाते कि कक्षा खत्म होने की घंटी कब बजी उनको यह भी नहीं पता चल पता था. दूसरी कक्षा लेने के लिए जब अन्य अध्यापक आता तो वह पढ़ाना बंद करते. उस जमाने में भी दो कक्षाओं के बीच पांच मिनट का अंतराल होता था और वह उस दौरान भी पढ़ाते रहते थे.’

पिता के संघर्षपूर्ण जीवन पर रमेश ने बताया, ‘उन्होंने जो रास्ता चुना था, वह खुद ही चुना था. उनके साहित्य और उनकी बातों से यही पता चलता है. भारतीय मध्यवर्ग की जो स्थिति बनती है, वह आई और उन्होंने इससे जमकर संघर्ष किया. कभी समझौता नहीं किया.’

अब आठ खंडों में आएगी मुक्तिबोध की रचनावली

मुक्तिबोध की अप्रकाशित या अधूरी रचनाओं के बारे में रमेश ने बताया, ‘मैंने उनकी रचनाओं के पुलिंदे से ऐसी सभी रचनाओं को निकाला. उन सभी रचनाओं को संकलित कर उनकी समग्र रचनावली में डाला गया है. अभी तक मुक्तिबोध की समग्र रचनावली छह खंडों में आई थी. किंतु इन अप्रकाशित रचनाओं को सम्मिलित कर उनकी समग्र रचनावली अब आठ खंडों में आने वाली है.’

11 सितंबर 1964 को मुक्तिबोध के निधन के वक्त 23 बरस के रहे रमेश ने बताया कि 1960 में मुक्तिबोध से ‘भारतीय इतिहास और संस्कृति’ प्रकाशक ने यह कहकर लिखवाई थी कि यह पाठ्यक्रम में लगेगी. प्रकाशकों की आपसी लड़ाई के कारण इस पुस्तक पर मुकदमा किया गया कि इसमें धार्मिक महापुरुषों के बारे में गलत ढंग से लिखा गया है. यह मामला जबलपुर हाई कोर्ट में चला. अदालत ने इस पुस्तक के कुछ अंश निकालने को कहा.

रमेश ने कहा, ‘इससे मुक्तिबोध को बहुत झटका लगा. उनका मानना था कि यह अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता पर हमला है और सरकार लेखन पर प्रतिबंध लगाना चाहती है.’ उन्होंने बताया कि अब यह पूरी पुस्तक नए सिरे से प्रकाशित होकर बाजार में उपलब्ध है.

मुक्तिबोध की प्रमुख रचनाएं

कविता संग्रह – चांद का मुंह टेढ़ा है, भूरी-भूरी खाक धूल, कहानी संग्रह- काठ का सपना, विपात्र, सतह से उठता आदमी, आलोचना- कामायनी – एक पुनर्विचार, नई कविता का आत्मसंघर्ष, नए साहित्य का सौंदर्यशास्त्र, समीक्षा की समस्याएँ, एक साहित्यिक की डायरी रचनावली- मुक्तिबोध रचनावली (6 खंडों में) अँधेरे में (कविता) एक स्वप्न कथा, एक अंतःकथा, जब प्रश्न चिन्ह बौखला उठा, ब्रह्मराक्षस, भूल-गलती, मैं उनका ही होता, मैं तुम लोगों से दूर हूं, मुझे पुकारती हुई पुकार, मुझे मालूम नहीं, मुझे याद आते हैं, मेरे लोग , शून्य, एक भूतपूर्व विद्रोही का आत्म-कथन, दिमागी गुहांधकार का औरांग उटांग, मुझे कदम-कदम पर, जब दुपहरी जिंदगी पर।

http://hindi.firstpost.com/special/100th-birth-anniversary-of-hindi-poet-and-writer-gajanan-madhav-muktibodh-even-after-the-class-was-over-he-used-to-teach-pr-66386.html

  • Nov 13 2017 2:10PM

मुक्तिबोध की जयंती पर पढ़ें उनके पुत्र दिवाकर मुक्तिबोध का एक संस्मरण

मुक्तिबोध की जयंती पर पढ़ें उनके पुत्र दिवाकर मुक्तिबोध का एक संस्मरण

आज हिंदी साहित्य के महान साहित्यकार गजानन माधव मुक्तिबोध का जन्मदिन है. उन्हें आधुनिक हिंदी का शीर्ष कवि माना जाता है. उन्होंने हिंदी की कविता में प्रयोगधर्मिता को बढ़ावा दिया. मुक्तिबोध की कविताओं में मनुष्य का संघर्ष उसकी पहचान प्रमुखता से सामने आती हैं. उनकी कविताओं में प्रखर राजनैतिक चेतना भी नजर आती है. लेकिन इसे दुर्भाग्य ही कहा जाये कि उनके जीवित रहते उनका कोई भी स्वतंत्र काव्य संग्रह प्रकाशित नहीं हुआ. उनकी मृत्यु के पहले श्रीकांत वर्मा ने उनकी केवल ‘एक साहित्यिक की डायरी’ प्रकाशि‍त की थी. उनके पुत्र दिवाकर मुक्तिबोध जो पेशे से पत्रकार हैं ने पिछले दिनों उनपर एक फेसबुक पोस्ट लिखा था, पढ़ें उनका यह ओलख:-

 
– दिवाकर मुक्तिबोध-
मुक्तिबोध जन्मशताब्दी वर्ष की शुरुआत 13 नवंबर 2016 से हुई थी. एक बेटे के तौर पर बचपन एवं किशोर वय की ओर बढ़ते हुए हमें उनके सान्निध्य के करीब 10-12 वर्ष ही मिले. जन्म के बाद शुरु के 5-6 साल आप छोड़ दीजिए क्योंकि यादों के कुछ पल, कुछ घटनाएं ही आपके जेहन में रहती है जो जीवन भर साथ चलती हैं. ऐसे ही चंद प्रसंगों पर आधारित यह संस्मरण
“पता नहीं कब कौन कहां, किस ओर मिले,
किस सांझ मिले, किस सुबह मिले,
यह राह जिंदगी की, जिससे जिस जगह मिले।”
कविता की ये वे पंक्तियां हैं जिन्हें मैं बचपन में अक्सर सुना करता था, पाठ करते हुए मुक्तिबोधजी से. स्व. श्री गजानन माधव मुक्तिबोध मेरे पिता, जिन्हें हम सभी, घरवाले दादा-दादी भी बाबू साहेब के नाम से संबोधित करते थे. मैं उनका श्रोता उस दौर में बना जब मुझे अस्थमा हुआ.दमे के शिकार बेटे को गोद में लेकर हालांकि वह इतना बड़ा हो गया था कि गोद में नहीं समा सकता था, थपकियां देकर वे जो कविताएं सुनाया करते थे, उनमें “”पता नहीं” शीर्षक की इस कविता की प्रारंभिक लाइनें मेरे दिमाग में अभी भी कौधंती हैं.वह शायद इसलिए कि मैंने उसे उनके स्वर में बार-बार सुना है.जिस लयबद्ध तरीके से वे इसे सुनाया करते थे, कि मुझे थोड़ी ही देर में नींद आ जाती थी.अस्थमा एक ऐसा रोग है जो आदमी को चैन से सोने भी नहीं देता.धौंकनी की तरह बेचैनी होती सांसें ऊपर-नीचे होती रहती हैं जिसकी वजह से सीधा लेटा नहीं जा सकता.दो-तीन तकियों के सहारे आधा धड़ ऊपर रखकर-एक तरह से बैठे-बैठे रातें काटनी पड़ती हैं.10-11 साल की उम्र में मुझे दमे ने कब कब पकड़ा, याद नहीं, अलबत्ता पिताजी की बड़ी चिंता मुझे लेकर थी.इसलिए जब अधलेटे बेटे की हालत उनसे देखी नहीं जाती थी, तब वे उसे गोद में लेकर सस्वर कविताओं का पाठ करते थे, आगे पीछे अपने शरीर को झुलाते हुए ताकि मुझे नींद आ जाए और वह आ भी जाती थी.
बाबू साहेब की उर्दू शायरी में भी गहरी दिलचस्पी थी.उस दौर के प्रख्यात उर्दू शायरों की किताबें उनकी लाइब्रेरी में थी, जिन्हें वे बार-बार पढ़ा करते थे. जिन पंक्तियों को मैंने अक्सर उन्हें गुनगुनाते हुए सुना है वह है – “”अभी तो मैं जवान हूँ, अभी तो मैं जवान हूँ, अभी तो मैं जवान हूँ.” मुझे पता नहीं था कि वे किस शायर की लिखी कविता हैं पर मैं देखता था, उन्हें गुनगुनाते समय पिताजी बहुत प्रसन्न मुद्रा में रहते थे.चक्करदार सीढ़़ी वाले हालनुमा कमरे में चक्कर लगाते हुए वे इन पंक्तियों को बार-बार दोहराते थे. मैं समझता हूँ संतोष और खुशी के जितने भी लम्हें उनकी जिंदगी में थे, कविताएँ उन्हें ताकत देती थीं.उनकी उम्र कुछ भी नहीं थी, युवा थे, महज 40-42 के लेकिन “अभी तो मैं जवान हूं’ गुनगुना कर वे बढ़ती उम्र के अहसास को शायद कम करने की कोशिश करते थे. संभवत: आशंकाग्रस्त थे.फिर भी इन पंक्तियों को गाकर उनके चेहरे पर जो खुशी झलकती थी, वह उन्हें संतुष्टि देती थी, आशंकाओं से मुक्त करती थी.लेकिन हकीकतन ऐसा हुआ कहाँ?

वे अपने जीवन के प्रति कितने आशंकाग्रस्त थे, इसकी झलक 5 फरवरी 1964 (मुक्तिबोध रचनावली खंड-6 – पृष्ठ 368) को  श्रीकांत वर्मा को लिखे गए पत्र से मिलती है.एक स्थान पर उन्होंने लिखा है – “जबलपुर से लौटने पर मैं बहुत बीमार पड़ गया.चलने में, सोने में, यहां तक कि लिखने में भी चक्कर आते रहते हैं, खूब चक्कर आते हैं.इस कारण छोटी-मोटी दुर्घटनाओं का भी शिकार होता रहा.अपने स्वास्थ्य के संबंध में भयानक और विकृत सपने आते रहते हैं.बहुत दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण अपने को महसूस करता हूं.’ दुर्भाग्य ने वाकई उनका पीछा नहीं छोड़ा.47 की उम्र वे इस दुनिया से चले गए.11 सितंबर 1964.आल इंडिया इंस्टीट्यूट ऑफ मेडिकल साइंसेस, नई दिल्ली.समय रात्रि लगभग 8 बजे.

अपनी याद में पिताजी को बीमार पड़ते मैंने कभी नहीं देखा.बचपन की यादें यानी नागपुर में सन् 1954 -55, राजनांदगांव में 1964, उनकी मृत्यु पर्यंत तक.जनवरी 1964 में पक्षाघात के बाद वे कभी नहीं उठ पाये. ऊंचे-पूरे, अच्छी पर्सनालिटी के मालिक थे.उन्हें देखकर ऐसा नहीं लगता था कि कोई बीमारी उन्हें तोड़ सकती है.लेकिन हाथ-पैर उनके दर्द देते थे.कॉलेज से लौटने के बाद या निरंतर लेखन से आई शारीरिक शिथिलता दूर करने के लिए वे हमें हाथ-पैर दबाने के लिए कहते थे.यह काम मालिश जैसा नहीं था यानी यहां हाथों की उंगलियों का कोई काम नहीं था.वे पेट के बल लेट जाते थे और हमें ऊपर से नीचे तक, पैरों से लेकर गर्दन तक पांव से दबाने कहते थे.हम दीवार के सहारे एक तरह से उनकी पीठ व कमर पर नाचते थे.यह हमारे लिए खेल था किन्तु उन्हें इससे आराम मिलता था.कभी-कभी वे पेट भी इसी तरह हमसे दबाया करते थे.इससे अनुमान लगाया जा सकता है कि उन्हें कितनी तकलीफ थी पर न तो वे डॉक्टर के पास जाते थे और न दवाई लेते थे.इसलिए उनकी शारीरिक पीड़ाओं का हमें अहसास नहीं था.
बाबू साहेब को हमने गुस्से में कभी नहीं देखा.दिन-रात व्यस्तता के चलते हमारी पढ़ाई के बारे में पूछताछ करने या हमें पढ़ाने के लिए वक्त निकालना उनके लिए बहुत कठिन था.लेकिन वसंतपुर के मकान में रात्रि में कंदील की रोशनी में जब कभी वे हमें किताब कापी लेकर आने के लिए कहते थे, तो हमारी रूह कांप जाती थी.हालांकि वे हम पर कभी नाराज नहीं होते थे और न ही डांटते-फटकारते थे.हम पढ़ते कम थे पर उन्हें एतराज नहीं था.मैं और मेरी बड़ी बहन उषा नगर पालिका की प्राथमिक शाला के विद्यार्थी थे.पढ़ाई लिखाई में मैं सामान्य था लेकिन उषा से कुछ बेहतर.इसलिए पिताजी के सवालों का टूटा-फूटा सा जवाब मैं दे देता था.इससे उन्हें संतोष हो जाता था किन्तु उषा मूक बनी रहती थी इसलिए वह उनके गुस्से का शिकार बन जाती थी.उनका रौद्र रुप देखकर हम दोनों सहम जाते थे.यद्यपि गुस्सा शांत हो जाने के बाद वे हमें दुलारते भी थे.यह अच्छा था कि पढ़ाई-लिखाई का वह दौर न ज्यादा समय के लिए चलता था और न ज्यादा दिन चलता था.दिग्विजय कॉलेज परिसर वाले मकान में रहने के लिए आने के बाद वह खत्म हो गया.वक्त ने उन्हें वक्त नहीं दिया.वे बीमार पड़ गए.
राजनांदगाँव के दिग्विजय कॉलेज जो अब शासकीय है, में आप जाएं तो उसके सौंदर्य को देखकर आप अभिभूत हो जाएंगे.पिछले सिंह द्वार का हमारा वह मकान, दोनों तरफ बड़े तालाब, रानी सागर, बूढ़ासागर, पिताजी की मृत्यु के बाद उनकी कीर्ति का यशोगान करते हुए नजर आएंगे.इसमें संदेह नहीं कि राज्य सरकार ने उसके सौंदर्य को निखारा है, समूचे परिसर को स्मारक में तब्दील किया है, प्रतिमाएं स्थापित की हैं, परिसर को हरा-भरा कर दिया है, एक नया भवन भी बनाया है, इस सोच के साथ कि देश-प्रदेश के लेखक, विचारक इस भवन में सरकार के मेहमान बनकर रहेंगे और रचनात्मक कार्य करेंगे.सिंह द्वार के ऊपर मंजिल पर जहां हम रहते थे, पिताजी की स्मृतियों को संजोया गया है, उनकी लेखन सामग्री, उनकी कुछ किताबें, उनके कुछ वस्त्र, कुछ पांडुलिपियां प्रदर्शित की गई हैं.

दीवारों पर दुलर्भ फोटोग्राफ थे जो उनकी जीवन यात्रा के कुछ पलों के साक्षी थे.किन्तु सीलन आने की वजह से वे निकाल दिए गए.स्मृतियों का यह झरोखा उस हाल तक सीमित हैं जहां वे चक्करदार सीढ़ियां हैं जो उनकी प्रख्यात कविता “अंधेरे में’ जीवन की रहस्यात्मकता की प्रतीक बनी है.बगल के दो अन्य कमरों में पदुमलाल पुन्नालाल बख्शी है और डा. बलदेव प्रसाद मिश्र. इसलिए हमारे उस मकान को राज्य सरकार द्वारा त्रिवेणी नाम दिया गया है.कभी खंडहर रहे इस भवन में जिसे कॉलेज के प्राचार्य स्व. किशोरीलाल शुक्ल के निर्देश पर रहने लायक बना दिया गया था, हम रहते थे.बख्शीजी या मिश्रजी नहीं.यह कोई कीर्ति की प्रतिस्पर्धा नहीं थी पर ज्यादा अच्छा होता यदि इस मकान एवं परिसर में सिर्फ पिताजी की स्मृतियों को संजोया जाता.यह अलग बात है कि हिन्दी साहित्य जगत में इस “त्रिवेणी’ को मुक्तिबोध स्मारक के रुप में ही जाना जाता है.बहरहाल राज्य सरकार ने एक दशक पूर्व परिसर की कायाकल्प करके साहित्य जगत में बड़ी वाहवाही लूट ली थी, बड़ी सराहना मिली थी, किंतु उसके बाद उसने पलटकर नहीं देखा.साहित्य – सृजन के लिए बना भवन लगभग एक दशक से सृजनात्मकता की बाट जोह रहा है.अब तक उसे एक भी लेखक नहीं मिला जो उसकी उदासी दूर कर सकें. सरकार ने अपने कारणों से जिसे राजनीतिक भी कह सकते हैं और सांस्कृतिक सोच का अभाव भी, इससे पल्ला झाड़ लिया है. राज्य की भाजपा सरकार के साथ ऐसा होना अस्वाभाविक नहीं. लेकिन इसी सरकार ने वर्ष 2014 में राष्ट्रीय साहित्य महोत्सव का आयोजन करके देशव्यापी सराहना अर्जित की थी.फिर उसे इसकी दुबारा जरूरत नहीं पड़ी. राजनांदगाँव में मुक्तिबोध स्मारक के साथ भी कुछ ऐसा ही है.

बहरहाल सन् 1960 में जब हम वसंतपुर से दिग्विजय कॉलेज में एरिया में रहने गए थे, तब भी उसका सौंदर्य अद्भुत था, हालांकि वह खुरदुरा था.शहर में रहते हुए गांव जैसा अहसास.सिंह द्वार, आम रास्ता था.सुबह-शाम खुलता-बंद होता.दरवाजों पर बड़ी-बड़ी कीलें ठुकी हुई थीं जो राजशाही की प्रतीक थीं.वे अभी भी वैसी ही हैं.इस द्वार से सबसे ज्यादा आते-जाते थे वे धोबी जिनके लिए दोनों तालाबों के घाट ज्यादा मुफीद थे.धोबीघाट पर कपड़े पटकने की ध्वनि में भी एक अलग तरह की मिठास थी.मकान की बड़ी-बड़ी खिड़कियों से टकराती ध्वनियां मधुर संगीत का अहसास कराती थी.पिताजी के जीवन के ये सबसे अच्छे दिन थे.राजनांदगाँव का वसंतपुर व दिग्विजय कॉलेज का हमारा किराए का मकान.
जहां तक मुझे स्मरण है, बाबू साहेब ने नागपुर आकाशवाणी की नौकरी छोडऩे के बाद, “नया खून’ में काम किया.यह उनकी पत्रकारिता का दौर था जिसमें उन्होंने सम-सामयिक विषयों जिसमें राष्ट्रीय-अंतरराष्ट्रीय मुद्दे भी शामिल है, काफी कुछ लिखा.उन दिनों के नागपुर का भी उन्होंने बड़ा भावनात्मक चित्र खींचा.माँ से मैंने सुना था “नया खून’ में रहते हुए उनके लिए दो नौकरियों की व्यवस्था हुई थी.दिल्ली श्री श्रीकांत वर्मा ने प्रयत्न किए थे और राजनांदगाँव से श्री शरद कोठारी ने.अब समस्या दो शहरों में से एक को चुनने की थी.अंतत: बाबू साहेब ने महानगर की बजाए कस्बाई राजनांदगाँव को चुना.दिग्विजय कॉलेज जो उन दिनों निजी था, में उन्हें प्राध्यापकी मिली.यह एकदम सही निर्णय था क्योंकि जो शांतता और सौहार्दता इस शहर थी, वह उन्हें संभवत: दिल्ली में नहीं मिल सकती थी.राजनांदगाँव उनके लेखन एवं जीवन की दृष्टि से इसीलिए महत्वपूर्ण रहा.
वे कितने पारिवारिक थे, कितने संवेदनशील यह बहुतेरी घटनाओं से जाहिर है.एक प्रसंग है – वसंतपुर में हमारे मकान के सामने आगे बड़ा था मैदान था जहां हम प्राय: रोज पतंग उड़ाया करते थे.एक दिन पतंग उड़ाते- उड़ाते मैं पीछे हटता गया और अंत में मेरा पैर एक बड़े पत्थर से जा टकराया.हड्डी में चोट आई.कुछ दिनों में वह बहुत सूज गया और उसमें मवाद आ गया.सरकारी अस्पताल में डॉक्टर ने कहा – चीरा लगाना पड़ेगा.दर्द के उन दिनों में पिताजी हर पल मेरे साथ रहे.अस्पताल लाना-ले-जाना, पास में बैठना, पुचकारना और आखिर में सरकारी अस्पताल में चीरा लगाते समय मुझे पकड़कर रखना.उन दिनों ऐसी छोटी-मोटी सर्जरी पर एनेस्थिया नहीं दिया जाता था.छोटे बच्चे इंजेक्शन से वैसे भी घबराते है और ऊपर से चीरा.भयानक क्षण थे.मेरी दर्द भरी चीखें और मजबूती से मेरे पैर पकड़े हुए घबराए से पिताजी.उनका कांपता चेहरा, वह दृश्य अभी भी आंखों के सामने हैं.

मुझे अस्थमा था.जब यह महसूस हुआ कि घर के दोनों तरफ के तालाब और उमस भरा वातावरण इसकी एक वजह है तो मेरे रहने की अलग व्यवस्था की गयी. मां के साथ एवं बड़े भैया के साथ.गर्मी के दिन थे.शहर से बाहर जैन स्कूल में छुट्टियां थी इसलिए स्कूल के एक कमरे में मैं माँ के साथ रहा.इसके बाद मेरे लिए शहर के नजदीक लेबर कॉलोनी में एक कमरे का मकान किराये पर लिया गया जहाँ मैं भैया के साथ रहने लगा.पिताजी रोज शाम को पैदल मिलने आया करते थे, किसी नजदीकी मित्र के साथ.मेरे लिए उनकी चिंता गहन थी.अभावों के बावजूद उन्होंने हमें किसी बात की कमी नहीं होने दी.समय के साथ मैं तो ठीक हो गया पर वे बीमार पड़ गए.ऐसे पड़ गए कि फिर बिस्तर से उठ नहीं पाये.
यकीनन राजनांदगाँव उनकी सृजनात्मकता का स्वर्णिम काल था.जीवन में कुछ निश्चिंतता थी, कुछ सुख थे पर दुर्भाग्य से यह समय अत्यल्प रहा.लेकिन मात्र 6-7 साल.इस अवधि में उनका सर्वाधिक महत्वपूर्ण लेखन यही हुआ.वे छत्तीसगढ़ के प्रति कितने कृतज्ञ थे, इसका प्रमाण श्री श्रीकांत वर्मा को लिखे गए उनके पत्र से मिलता है – 14 नवंबर 1963 के पत्र में उन्होंने लिखा है -“उस छत्तीसगढ़ का मैं ऋणी हूँ जिसने मुझे और मेरे बाल बच्चों को शांतिपूर्वक जीने का क्षेत्र दिया.उस छत्तीसगढ़ में जहां मुझे मेरे प्यारे छोटे-छोटे लोग मिले, जिन्होंने मुझे बाहों में समेट लिया और बड़े भी मिले, जिन्होंने मुझे सम्मान और सत्कार प्रदान करके, संकटों से बचाया”.

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Tesla accused of racial discrimination in lawsuit

A lawsuit calls the automaker’s factory in Fremont, California, a “hotbed for racist behavior.”

tesla-factory-tour-hd-6.jpg
A former Tesla employee is accusing Tesla of racial discrimination at its Fremont, California, factory.

James Martin/CNET

Tesla Motors is being accused of allowing its California production plant to become a “hotbed for racist behavior.”

A racial discrimination lawsuit, filed Monday in California Superior Court in Oakland, said black employees were addressed by racial slurs and company management ignored their complaints. The lawsuit is at least the third filed this year against Tesla alleging racial discrimination at its Fremont, California, factory.

Monday’s lawsuit, filed by former Tesla employee Marcus Vaughn, said Vaughn was routinely called the “n-word” by supervisors and coworkers after he began working at the factory in April. He says he complained in writing to human resources officials, but those complaints were never investigated.

Vaughn says he was fired in October for “not having a positive attitude.” The lawsuit seeks class-action status and unspecified damages under California anti-discrimination law.

The lawsuit is the latest in a growing number of lawsuits accusing Tesla of discrimination. In March, another black employee qq, alleging he was sexually harassed, racially harassed and racially discriminated against at the Fremont facility. A trio of former employees made similar claims in a lawsuit filed against the company in October.

Tesla didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

 

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Filmmaker Sujoy Ghosh Resigns from Festival Jury After I&B Ministry Removes Two Films from Selection

The ministry pulled out Malayalam movie S Durga and Marathi film Nude from the 48th edition of the International Film Festival of India.

Mumbai: Filmmaker Sujoy Ghosh says he has resigned as head of the jury of the International Film Festival of India’s (IFFI’s) Indian Panorama section following the controversy over the removal of two films from the final selection.

Overruling the recommendation of the 13-member jury, the central Ministry of Information and Broadcasting pulled out Malayalam movie S Durga and Marathi film Nude from the 48th edition of the film festival, to be held in Goa from November 20-28.

Asked if he has resigned as jury head in the wake of the controversy, Ghosh told PTI, “Yes, but I can’t say anything more than that right now.”

Several jury members expressed their displeasure over the ministry’s move to drop the films from the list they submitted. It was an unprecedented move, a jury member said on the condition of anonymity.

The jury submitted its list to the ministry on September 20-21, but the line-up was made public only recently and without the names of the two films, a member disclosed. The ministry did not respond to the reports.

S Durga, which was earlier titled Sexy Durga, is a road movie that follows the horrifying experience of two hitchhikers, a man and a woman, at the hands of two men. It won the Hivos Tiger Award in the International Film Festival Rotterdam 2017.

Nude depicts the struggle of a woman secretly working as a nude model in Mumbai.

Both directors told PTI they were shocked and disappointed by the ministry’s decision.

S Durga director Sanal Kumar Sasidharan said he would approach the court after this “clever move” by the ministry. “They are supposed to publish the list two-three weeks before the festival begins but they delayed it on purpose,” he said.

Nude director Ravi Jadhav was equally upset. “Give me some reason at least. It was selected as the opening film. It was a big honour. I am really disappointed and shocked to hear that it has been dropped,” he said.

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Jailvaani, a Community Radio Run by And For Bhilwara Jail Inmates

The radio station was inaugurated last Thursday and is now fully operational. Inmates lodged in various barracks of Bhilwara Jail can request songs, recite their own jokes and poetry, and get updated with the latest news and government run programs all through the week.

Jailvaani, a Community Radio Run by And For Bhilwara Jail Inmates
Representative Image. (Reuters)
New Delhi: The 300 inmates lodged in Rajasthan’s Bhilwara prison now have something to look forward to during their jail terms. The experiment that began years ago in New Delhi’s Tihar jail has now been introduced there – community jail radio.

Called ‘Jailvaani’, the community radio will be run and heard by the inmates of Bhilwara jail.

The radio station was inaugurated last Thursday and is now fully operational. Inmates lodged in various barracks can request songs, recite their own jokes and poetry, and get updated with the latest news and government run programs all through the week.

According to jail officials, the radio will go live every day for one hour, between 1 and 2 pm.

The weekly radio will begin on Monday, when patriotic songs will be played first on ‘Jailvaani’. This will be followed by a broadcast of programs run by the government in the state.

On Tuesday, the radio will play ‘Bhule Bisre Geet’, an assortment of old Bollywood songs. This show will accept requests from the listeners also. The songs will be followed by a bulletin, in which news from across the state and the country will be played on the radio.

Wednesday is the fun day with ‘Zara Muskura Dijiye’, a program dedicated to reciting jokes compiled by the radio jockeys and the inmates. This recitation of jokes will be followed by Bollywood songs.

On Thursday, spiritual and devotional songs will be played on the radio. The day will be dedicated to songs that are intended to bring some peace and tranquility in the lives of the inmates of Bhilwara jail.

Friday will be an afternoon of ‘Mehfil-e-Tarannum’. Ghazals and nazms written by the inmates of Bhilwara jail will be recited for one hour on the community radio.

On Saturday, ‘Aapki farmaayish’ program will accept requests for songs of legendary Hindi film singers like Lata Mangeshkar, Mohammad Rafi and Kishore Kumar.

And Sunday will be ‘Radio Dhamaal‘ day. New Bollywood songs will play through most of the time from 1 pm to 2 pm. On this day some time will also be devoted to important announcements from jail officers.

The idea of having jail inmates start and run their own radio stations was started from India’s biggest prison – the Tihar Jail – back in July 2013. It was named ‘Radio TJ.’ Since then the idea, to keep jail inmates occupied with this creative pursuit has been emulated multiple times in several jails across the country.http://www.news18.com/news/india/jailvaani-a-community-radio-run-by-and-for-bhilwara-jail-inmates-1575755.html

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UP -Dalit women sit on indefinite hunger strike in Shabbirpur

 

Around 50-60 Dalit Women have been on an indefinite hunger strike in Shabbirpur village in Sahranpur District of UP for the past six days.

 

This is following the National Security Act (NSA) being imposed on the Bhim Army Chief Chandrasekhar Azad along with two other members of the Bhim Army. One of them is the Pradhan of Shabbirpur Village, Shiv Kumar and the other is Sonu Kumar another inhabitant of the village and member of the Bhim Army. The women have entered sixth day of the strike demanding the withdrawal of charges and immediate release of Chandrashekhar, Shiv Kumar and Sonu Kumar, initiate CBI Inquiry into the incidents of May 5th, adequate compensation to the villagers for the losses suffered among several other demands.

Shabbirpur was the same village where members of the Rajput community had attacked the Dalit community on May 5th.

This has sparked off hunger strikes in other villages of Sahranpur. Three women had been admitted to the hospital on the third day of the hunger strike. The local police have been intimidating the villagers with threats asking them to end the strike. They have cordoned off the village and are not letting outsiders to enter.

 

A team from Pinjra Tod along with some student activists had gone to visit and extend solidarity to the ongoing strikes in Shabbirpur. Young members from Bhim Army have been organizing in several villages of the district. In Shabbirpur, the strike is taking place outside a Bhim Army school and the classes have been temporarily suspended.

The women have resolved to continue the strike indefinitely till all the demands are accepted. We salute the struggle by these defiant women against this Brahmanical nation state.

#pinjratod

 

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Fight against Systemic ,Structural Sexual Harrassment and Gendered Violence

Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS) stands firmly with the survivors who have faced sexual harassment at the hands of the perpetrators on and off the list and, most importantly, extends solidarity in this moment of unravelling narratives, disjointed arguments and personal struggles of individuals voicing their experiences. The last few weeks have seen lists of sexual harassers in academia and civil society published and circulated on social media, statements issued by groups of persons and individuals reflecting on the lists, and questions raised on the ways of dealing with such lists, perpetrators of harassment, and the mechanisms in place to address it. Alongside the lists and statements, there has been a marked silence from some of the avenues that normally engage with sexual violence and harassment, both within and outside academia. While social media was abuzz with discussions and debates, now, once again, there is silence. As a collective standing against sexual violence and state repression, we recognise that institutional spaces can be fraught with sexual violence of varying kinds and, sometimes, despite systems and processes in place, the journey of seeking justice for each individual can be a long and lonely one.

As a collective standing against sexual violence and state repression, whose members have taken a variety of positions on this issue so far, we felt the need to reflect on our positions and come together to forge a collective common understanding. We have been doing that internally through a series of meetings for a year now focusing particularly on sexual harassment in groups and circles considered politically progressive. In the last few weeks there have been further discussions in the wake of the lists, and different responses to the list, including by WSS members themselves. Thus, despite the inordinate delay in issuing this statement, it is a product of an ongoing conversation amongst ourselves, a conversation we wish to broaden and take forward and this statement has been collectively produced in that spirit of feminist solidarity at a time when these revelations are slowly unfolding.

It is important to acknowledge the institutionalised nature of sexual violence and harassment that women have experienced in academic spaces among others. Sexism and blatant misogyny is visible not merely in academic arenas but also in activist circles, amongst writers, artists, journalists, lawyers, and several other professions. The more narratives we hear the more familiar it sounds and today we hear voices from marginalised castes and sexualities adding to the whispered narratives of harassment. This makes it essential to for us to build trust and unity among those marginalised by such violence. It is up to us, those facing various kinds of oppression, across caste, class, gender, religion, community, disability and sexuality to come together against all forms of oppression and exploitation. Our complicity by silence will only add to the impunity such perpetrators enjoy. This silence has been both passive, in the sense of remaining out of the debate as well as active wherein certain people wishing to speak out are being deliberately silenced. How far these silences are determined by the social, economic, political and cultural position is a matter that should concern all of us.

Meanwhile, some have raised the alarm bell of ‘fascism’ as a challenge more urgent and immediate than such ‘witch-hunting’ and ‘hit-lists’. It is true this is a moment of increasing repression. But that should not divert us from the internal critique and introspection required when asking why sexual harassment exists, persists and invisibilised in educational centres that some believe to be crucial for critical thinking and engagement. There has been a long history of struggle that has paved the way for some structures that exist today. The women’s movement, the queer movement, the movement for the annihilation of caste, for land rights, right to livelihood and several such struggles have taught us ways of resisting, raising our voice, and registering our dissent. It is important to note the contributions of all these movements in giving us a language of resistance. But, it is also important to note that while these struggles have helped build structures, both legal and community based, due process and existing institutional mechanisms have worked for some while they have failed many. In some cases, these legal or voluntary bodies have worked against the complainants themselves. The very fact that we have lists being circulated on social media points towards the frustrated efforts of thousands to speak out against those in positions of power who found every other door closed to them. This also shows our collective failure to build spaces of support and conversation. This, more than anything else, makes it amply clear that we need new ways of recognising harassment, new ways of fighting it, and new ways of healing.

The Saksham taskforce appointed in 2013 by the UGC to look into matters of gender sensitisation in higher education recommended in no uncertain terms that employers could not nominate appointees to ICCs. The report stated that that “ICCs… must not be directly nominated by the employer; rather, transparency and a principled basis for membership on the ICC should be arrived at after involving all sections of the HEI (Higher Education Institution) community.” Meanwhile, other central and state universities simply do not have any body that addresses such concerns. The data made available for 6 years 2011-16 through the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) under the aegis of the Ministry of Human Resources Development (MHRD) is indicative of the skewed distribution of male-female ratio in the different fields of education. On the one hand, the gender gap in enrolment in higher education is decreasing with 40% women in 2000 to 46.2% in 2015-16. At another end, at the graduate levels, male enrolment remains higher. At the diploma level, this enrolment jumps from a marginal difference to 70%+ male enrolment. Meanwhile, certain courses like nursing see predominantly female students. In teacher training courses, 63% enrolled are women. A brief look at the ratio varying across different degrees reveals certain professional choices that are gendered. For instance, in B. Ed courses, 65.8% of those enrolled are women, 60% women are enrolled in MA/MSc, and 53% of women are enrolled in BA courses, while only 21.1% of women are enrolled in B. Tech with similar statistics for courses in law and management. Meanwhile, 41% of all PhD students enrolled are women.

 

While there are 78% colleges running in private sector, they cater to only 67% of the total enrolment. Overall, women constitute 46% of all enrolments in higher education. But a closer look at the social backgrounds reveals a skewed picture. Scheduled Castes are 13.9%, Scheduled Tribes are 4%, Other Backward Castes are 33.7% and, finally, the greatest disparity in terms of population percentage and enrolment is visible among Muslim women who are 4.6% of total enrolled. These percentages are all below the national average. There is no doubt that besides gendered discrimination, the caste and community backgrounds of women add to the burden of discrimination that women carry when they enter the university.

 

In sheer numbers, the non-teaching staff appears to be 2/3rds male and in some states, the women in non-teaching staff are 1/5th of the total employed. This disparity is visible even in the post-wise number of women employed as teachers, especially when compared with men, despite gradually increasing enrolment of women in higher education in the last five years. Women constitute 33% of the teachers and professors at the college and university level. The social background of those employed as teachers does not match the existing composition of social groups in society. This is clear as 65% of those employed are upper caste, 25.4% are Other Backward Castes, 7.5% are Scheduled Castes, 2.1% are Scheduled Tribes, and, finally, 3.3% are Muslims. This disparity visibly appears to grow with more men being offered promotions to the position of Professor, Reader and Associate Professors while women remain Lecturers, Assistant Professors or Tutors. This disparity across public and private institutions only appears to increase when taking caste and religion into account and cuts across science, management, engineering and humanities programmes. Thus, discrimination cuts across students, non-teaching staff and faculty. This government appraisal of the situation of higher education in the country based on quantified data reveals the power equations that function in a patriarchal society. These numbers speak of an institutional crisis where merit may be the basis revealed to us on paper but the numbers speak of discrimination on the basis of gender, caste, religion and even region.

 

Institutional spaces like universities are built hierarchies of power in the name of age, experience, professional standing, and, most visibly, social capital. Persons in such positions of power have abused their positions to harass not just their colleagues, students and researchers, but also non-teaching staff, and persons outside of such institutional frameworks. The language utilised is often couched in polite requests, gentle nudges, explicit demands, and defended with the language of sexual freedom. Anyone who objects is often described as conservative and shamed for not being open and accepting. We see this most clearly as a consequence of the publication of the lists. ‘Naming and shaming’, ‘witch-hunting’ or targeting the perpetrators has only found them support from amongst their kith and kin. None of those named or found guilty have faced the consequences of their actions. The shield that protects them remains intact while questions about the veracity of claims, the complainant’s intentions, and the backgrounds of those who have published lists have been scrutinised vigorously.

When we talk about sexual harassment, it is important to recognise that it stems from the space permitted to it by a deeply casteist, classist, communal, regressive, hetero-normative patriarchal society. It can appear in the form of gendered discrimination that is subtle and extend to blatant violence. The wide range of gendered harassment that the lists show tells us that there are forms of oppression as varied as the background of the oppressors. But this complexity should not stop us from exploring these intersections, exposing their internal power dynamics and find ways to transform spaces – personal and professional in our fight against patriarchy. We need to look at central and state universities, schools and organisations as well as private universities, schools and organisations. Careful attention also needs to be paid to different forms of sexual harassment in fields of education and research ranging from management, to science, and medicine as well, besides other professions, institutions and organisations.

The systemic nature of sexual harassment has deep-rooted effects on the life of those harassed. Meanwhile, it builds a sense of impunity for the perpetrators. We cannot allow these forms of oppression to be normalised as part of everyday sexism. Our complicity by silence will only add to the impunity such perpetrators enjoy. Sexual predation is a means of asserting power that is visible and palpable. We need to call it out for what it is in a society that repeatedly tries to invisibilise it. Women alone cannot be held responsible for their safety. In a society such as ours, women and marginalised communities find their access to even available due process inhibited by social scrutiny and prejudice. We will not stand by while women are accused of overreacting while the mental conditions of the perpetrators, named and unnamed, are being avidly discussed. Those who have suffered sexual harassment or violence need much more than mere acknowledgment. Though, this may just be a start, mental, legal care along with building safe spaces are crucial steps that require long-term engagement and commitment towards community care. This, if done with the spirit of camaraderie, can be the basis for further strength for women to fight violence. We need new ways of talking about sexual harassment, new ways of defining it, calling it out, exposing it, bringing the perpetrators to book and new ways of recovering from the violence it entails.

Today, let us recognise these fractures and needs of the time. Let us move towards a collective conversation instead of expressing our rage individually in personal spaces. Let us open up those personal spaces into spaces of safety, solidarity, unity and struggle. Let this moment not go without consequences in our larger struggle for gender justice. And let those consequences pave the way for building structures, networks, systems that bear in mind the pain and humiliation as well as the resilience of those fighting back by speaking out.

 

WSS reiterates its commitment to stand strongly by those who have dared to speak out and find ways of addressing these questions in the long run with the care and consideration it deserves. In the coming months, we hope to initiate and invite conversations across university and other spaces, understand forms of violence that have not yet come out in the open, and, finally, work towards a policy on how to deal with sexual harassment that incorporates structures of care that each of us need today.

 

Let us break the silence!

 

Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS)

 

 

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Gujarat – Red crosses spotted on Ahmedabad’s minority houses

Ahmedabad: A cross mark in red outside around 10 Muslim societies and some Hindu colonies triggered a scare in Paldi area of the city on Monday. Posters, which appeared earlier, warning that the area would become a Muslim ghetto, added fuel to the fire.

Alarmed by this unusual development ahead of the assembly polls, residents of Delight Apartment, which was targeted during 2002 riots, shot off a mail to the EC and city police commissioner, saying the markings have a clear purpose to identify Muslim localities. They apprehended that the motive seemed to be destroying communal peace in the area. Apart from Delight Apartment, marks were found on gates of 10 Muslim societies.

A banner called upon voters to prevent the area from turning into another Juhapura – a Muslim dominated neighbourhood in New West Zone of the city.”
Sabrangindia contends that “on a saffron background, the banner said ‘Bachawo, Bachawo’ (Save, Save), followed by this dire call: ‘Paldi Ne Juhapura Thatu Atkavo’ (Prevent Paldi from turning into Juhapura).’ It was spotted at Paldi Mahalakshmi circle

 

The banner did not have any symbol of a political party nor did it carry the name of who was issuing this scary call. After being on display for some hours, it was removed by unknown people after some local residents objected to it.”
Juhapura is a mammoth Muslim ghetto situated seven kilometres away from the city centre of Ahmedabad, the business capital of Gujarat. With a population of about 1,00,000 before the 2002 Gujarat riots, the population has grown to close to 6,00,000 thereafter.

“Paldi, on the hand, is a mixed locality with both Hindu and Muslim pockets. Corporate offices and city centres of many national and multinational companies such as Gujarat Gas, WaghBakri Tea Group, Claris, Religare, Royal Bank of Scotland and ICICI Bankare located here”, Sabrangindia says.
It adds, Paldi comes under the Ellisbridge Assembly constituency, once represented by Haren Pandya, an anti-Modi BJP leader who was murdered in 2003 in mysterious circumstances.

Muslims have sent a letter to the EC saying that the move is aimed at destroying communal peace in Paldi

Move aimed at communalisation: Muslims to EC

Apart from Delight Apartment, the marks were found on main gates of around 10 Muslim societies including Aman Colony, Nasheman Apartment, Tagore Flats and Ashiyana Apartment. Some Hindu colonies, including Takshshila on Narayan Nagar Road, were also marked.

Adil Bagadiya, a resident of Delight Apartment, said, “We have urged the EC and the police commissioner to ensure peace in the area.” The scare came three days after posters saying, “Save Paldi from becoming a Juhapura” — which is one of the biggest Muslim ghettos in the country — appeared in the same locality.

Sattar Chunara, a watchman at Delight Apartment, said, “I sprayed black paint on the red cross marks to hide them. Some people told me that the marks were made by sanitation workers doing garbage collection, just to identify the colonies from where garbage has to be picked.”

Unable to fix the motive behind such markings, a worried Zuber Ahmed of Aman Colony said, “We are yet to be informed by the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) that the marks were meant for garbage collection.” The same concern was echoed by a retired government servant Yunus Sahoo, resident of Sahil Flats. “I don’t know what the markings are for. I just got the message on Monday morning and saw them on the wall of my society.”

The watchman at Tagore Park in Paldi, Rashid Shaikh, said he saw the red markings this morning. “We were told that it was for door-to-door garbage collection.”

However, conflicting statements from AMC officials made the issue more complex. While public health supervisor of west zone, Nitin Prajapati said that the marks were made by sanitary workers, municipal commissioner, Mukesh Kumar clarified that the marks made by AMC workers are different from the red marks.

As the news spread, police swung into action. Police chief A K Singh initially said that the marks were indeed made by sanitation workers but soon ordered an inquiry by a team headed by special police commissioner K L N Rao.

“If the houses are being marked as part of the garbage collection drive, we will send our teams to ensure that the residents are informed about it,” Singh added. Later in the evening, police teams reached the the societies where the red marks were found. At Delight Apartment, public health officer Nitin Trivedi was confronted by Uves Sareshwala, a resident, who repeatedly asked him why the residents were not informed in advance? “It could have averted the chaos and fear,” he said.

“About three days back, posters saying, “Some disgruntled elements are trying to disturb the harmony of the area where Hindus and Muslims have been living peacefully for years. It is the duty of the authorities to trace such elements,” added Sareshwala.

Rekhaben Shah, a local resident, told TOI that they have no fear here. “We even come out late in the night and pass by Muslim neighborhoods without any fear. We are living in peace and harmony,” she said.

Reacting to the incident, Ahmedabad resident and chancellor of Hyderabad-based Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Zafar Sareshwala said, “Modi Sahab is talking of ‘Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas’. This kind of hate campaign never happened, even during 2002 elections. Are we to believe that this BJP is not with Mr Modi?”

Dismissing any political angle, IK Jadeja, vice president of BJP said: “We have inquired about the incident. Health workers of the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation who had gone for health awareness marked buildings in red as their stock of stickers got exhausted. The corporation has issued fresh instructions to use stickers only to avoid such confusion.”

 

THE DIFFERENCE: Municipal commissioner Mukesh Kumar clarified that the marks made by AMC workers (above) are different from the red marks (left) found at the gates of several societies on Monday

TOI

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Maharashtra – Big scam in recruitment of postmen unearthed

Swati Deshpande| TNN | 

HIGHLIGHTS

  • A mega scam in recruitment for over 2,400 vacancies has been unearthed in Maharashtra.
  • Police are interrogating the project managers from Manipal Technologies Ltd (MTL), which had won a bid in 2015 to conduct the recruitment process.
  • The Economic Offences Wing said that the selection process had been cancelled in Maharashtra.

MUMBAI: The vigilance department of the Department of Posts has unearthed a mega scam in recruitment for over 2,400 vacancies, in Maharashtra. The Mumbai police registered an FIR in August against Manipal Technologies Ltd (MTL), which had won a bid in 2015 to conduct the recruitment process for postmen, mail guards and other staffers in the postal department.

The FIR was filed on the basis of a complaint by an assistant post master general in Mumbai and names P V Mallya and other directors of MTL. Dubbing it a big scam, Justice A M Badar of the Bombay high court refused to grant pre-arrest bail to Mallya on November 3.

He said, “The case in hand appears to be a case of a big scam in recruitment in the department of posts… Selection to public employment has to be a fair and impartial process, based on merit of eligible candidates… This job was entrusted by DoP with utmost trust on the company… Prima facie, it is seen that, the company has breached the trust reposed by it and had shown nepotism and partiality in selecting candidates for obvious reasons.”

The Economic Offences Wing (EOW) said that the selection process had been cancelled in Maharashtra. No one has been arrested so far. Police are interrogating the project managers from the company which was in charge of the recruitment process.

The exam was conducted in March 2015 and the results were declared in March 2016. It was held to fill in 1,680 posts of postmen, 21 mail guards and 733 multitask servants (MTS).

The chief postmaster general had ordered a vigilance enquiry when an Amravati postmaster first complained last April that a postman selected through the recruitment process had a photograph of a different candidate on his online application form.

The vigilance report said that 25 of the 194 postmen posted in Maharashtra scored high in Marathi, but didn’t know the language and over 70 candidates were found with identical email addresses.

Few of the selected candidates had not appeared for the exam, others had not signed the paper or their signatures online and on the answer paper differed; addresses of some candidates were identical, and cell phone numbers were the same for some, said the vigilance report.

Of the 24 selected as postmen,12 had identical cell phone numbers; of 21 selected as MTS, 11 did. Candidates selected from states other than Maharashtra, such as Haryana, Bihar, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, had addresses from a same locality, said the FIR.https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/big-scam-in-recruitment-of-postmen-in-maharashtra-unearthed/articleshow/61620885.cms

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