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Archives for : December2017

Delhi govt forms panel to cap profit of private hospitals from sale of medicines

Delhi is yet to adopt the Clinical Establishment Act passed by Parliament which aims to achieve the same objective. Delhi health minister said the law is likely to be in place as the Delhi Health Act in two months’ time.

HT Correspondent
Hindustan Times
The committee will establish norms for the maximum profit that a hospital can make on the sale of medicines and investigations.
The committee will establish norms for the maximum profit that a hospital can make on the sale of medicines and investigations.(Photo for representation)

The Delhi government on Wednesday constituted a nine-member committee to formulate norms capping the profit margin of private hospitals in the city.

The committee will establish norms for the maximum profit that a hospital can make on the sale of medicines and investigations. The committee will also recommend behavioural protocols for hospital staff.

The committee will be headed by Delhi’s director general of health services and will also include senior doctors from the Delhi Medical Council and Delhi Medical Council and the national president of India Medical Association Dr KK Agarwal, according to the health minister.

The committee has been asked to submit its report by the end of the month.

The move comes after allegations of overcharging and negligence against four private hospitals in NCR.

Recently, the licence of Max hospital, Shalimar Bagh, was cancelled after the government found it negligent in wrongly declaring newborn dead. Fortis Memorial Research Institute was accused of overcharging in the treatment of 7-year-old dengue patient, when an amount of Rs 16 lakhs was charged for 15-day treatment. Fortis hospital, Noida was accused of overcharging when a farmer was asked to pay Rs 1 lakh for the treatment of his daughter who died within four hours of admission. In case of BL Kapur hospital, a family has alleged that the body of their child who had undergone a bone-marrow transplant was not released till the dues of Rs 9 lakh was paid.

The Clinical Establishment Act passed by Parliament also aims at the same objective, but Delhi is yet to adopt the central law. When asked about this, the Delhi health minister said the state government was working on it and the law was likely to be in place as the Delhi Health Act in two months’ time.

“Single doctor run clinics will not be covered under our law, that’s the big difference from the central law,” Jain disclosed.

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Ignorance, pesticides form a fatal alliance in Maharashtra’s Vidarbha

Two months after 50 pesticide deaths, a rattled Maharashtra govt is still trying to find out what went wrong.

Swapnil Rawal and Pradip Kumar Maitra
Mumbai/Yavatmal (Maharashtra), Hindustan Times
Profex Super – a combination of Profenofos and Cypermethrin – was responsible for six deaths in Yavatmal.
Profex Super – a combination of Profenofos and Cypermethrin – was responsible for six deaths in Yavatmal.(File)

Pramila Pendor, 30, a tribal from Nimni village in Maharashtra’s Yavatmal district, is yet to come to terms with her husband’s sudden death.

“Kailash was perfectly fine on the morning of August 16, when he went to spray pesticides in the fields. By late afternoon, he developed chest pain followed by nausea and vomiting. He came home at 5pm that day, but never recovered. He died at a government civil hospital on September 6,” recalls a tearful Pramila, who now has to manage the family, which includes two young boys and her husband’s parents.

A landless labourer, Kailash was among the fifty people who died after accidentally inhaling toxic pesticides while treating cotton fields in Maharashtra’s Vidarbha region. The cause of his death was a lethal dose of Profex Super he had sprayed in a BT cotton plantation belonging to Babanrao Vaidya.

Vaidya said he had purchased a two-litre pouch of Profex Super, a pesticide for Bt cotton, from a local Shiv-Kripa Agro Agency at Ghonsa in Yavatmal district on August 12, which was sprayed by Kailash on August 16. The district hospital in Yavatmal registered Kailash’s death as a case of pesticide poisoning. Kailash was not wearing protective gear. Nobody in these parts deemed it necessary until now.

The string of pesticide-related casualties began with the untimely demise of Devidas Ramji Madavi, a worker at a BT cotton field in Kalamb taluka this August. The death of Madavi, who also handled Profex Super, was the first of 24 cases of pesticides poisoning to be reported from Yavatmal.

Unlike Kailash and Madavi, over a 1,000 farm hands across districts of Yavatmal, Buldhana, Amravati, Nagpur, Bhandara, this year faced ill effects of spraying pesticides but survived after being hospitalised.

Profex Super – a combination of Profenofos and Cypermethrin – was responsible for six out of the 11 deaths in Yavatmal district, according to a preliminary survey report of the state agriculture department, undertaken after the pesticide poisoning cases came to light.

The other insecticides in question are Phoskill, Monocil, Rubby, Polo and Police.

Kashinath Milmile of Pandharkawda, a big trader of agro-input products, who received notices from the district administration for selling some of these pesticides admitted that the pesticide, Profex Super, can cause suffocation during spraying.

“There is a need to wear prescribed protection kit, like eye glasses, gloves and masks while spraying these pesticides on the fields, which is often not followed,” he added.

Mahesh Swami, the area manager of Nagarjuna Agrichem that sells Profex Super pesticide told HT that the pesticide can cause suffocation if anyone sprays it without wearing the prescribed protection kit. “Farmers across the country are using our pesticides. But there was no complaint,” he defended, and said such cases may have occurred because of not using the kit.

While none of the pesticides under the scanner are considered lethal enough to be banned, the current crisis arose after farmers mixed the insecticides or used them in higher quantities to increase their potency, said Kavitha Kuruganti, an agriculture activist, who carried out a fact-finding survey in Yavatmal soon after the tragedy.

A senior bureaucrat with the agriculture department also told HT that the tragedy unfolded as pesticides that were not recommended or those not to be used on cotton crop were sold to unsuspecting farmers as effective, besides mixing of insecticides done at the level of individual farmers or dealers.

Making sense of a tragedy

Two months after the pesticide deaths, a rattled Maharashtra government is still trying to figure out what went wrong. Apart from blaming the local administration for such incidents, it has announced a slew of probes – including one by a special investigation team.

The state has temporarily banned the sale of five pesticides in the state — Phoskill, Monocil, Rubby, Polo and Police — and registered case against Gharda Chemicals Ltd, a pesticide-manufacturing company besides five agro-input centres.

The government also decided to hand over the probe to the Central Bureau of Investigation after a Central Institute of Cotton Research report said the BT cotton seeds contained herbicide-tolerant genes not permissible in the country.

The row has also brought into the spotlight a network of unlicensed dealers who palm off toxic chemicals and pesticides to farmers outside of government control.

The local administration says there are a variety of reasons for the deaths, ranging from unsupervised mixing of pesticides to “Chinese” products, excessive spraying, climactic conditions and lack of basic protective gear.

Corrective action

Bijay Kumar, principal secretary in the Maharashtra government’s agriculture department, blamed the tragedy on unauthorised dealers selling pesticides in rural areas.

It is mandatory for dealers to possess a so-called “principal certificate” to sell pesticides in villages. As the document is not distributed freely, there’s a parallel (and illegal) market involving licence holders, the sellers, and villagers.

“We are now putting pressure on legitimate dealers to prevent them from selling the pesticides in their possession to third parties (who then sell them onwards),” said Kumar. His department has also decided to give district-level authorities the right to issue dealer licences, instead of zila parishad officials.

Kumar also said that many pesticide brands sell remarketed products. “We are putting an end to such co-marketing licenses. With this order, over 60% of these brands will have to shut shop,” he added.

The probe so far

An initial probe spearheaded by additional chief secretary (home) SK Srivastava found that standard operating procedures were not followed by local administration officials. Consequently, the Yavatmal district agriculture officer was suspended from service.

Acting on another recommendation by Srivastava, the government decided to make farmers accountable for labourers who spray pesticides in their fields by providing safety kits and primary health care.

It also registered a negligence case (under section 304A of the Indian Penal Code) against Gharda Chemicals Ltd for selling pesticides not certified for use in the area.

“We have registered a case against the company for causing death by negligence and for selling products to dealers who do not have licence. We have completed our investigation and have written to the District Magistrate for permission to file the chargesheet,”saidMRajkumar,superintendent of police, Yavatmal. Gharda Chemicals Ltd. manufactures a pesticide with trade name ‘Police’.

Meanwhile, a spokesperson of Gharda Chemicals Ltd blamed the Chinese sprays and the failure of By cotton seeds.

“What is disturbing all of us is that these products are sold all over the country so why these deaths in Yavatmal alone. There is a problem with the seeds they used, because of which the crop height was unusually tall. If they spray the pesticide on a 6-7 feet tall crop creates mist of the pesticide and they walk through it increasing the exposure. Secondly, the sprays they use do not have any force regulation,” said the spokesperson from Gharda.

Kavitha Kuruganti, national convenor of the Alliance for Sustainable and Holistic Agriculture, believes the manner in which the Maharashtra government allegedly blamed the victims betrays its desperation. “They caught hold of the dealers but failed to nab the big players,” she said.

Kuruganti toured Yavatmal with a fact-finding committee for two days after the tragedy. She said farmers use lethal concoctions of these pesticides to save time, money and crops in the absence of government intervention.

Vijay Jawandhia, an agricultural activist, said there was a lot the government could do to prevent pesticide deaths. “The government neither educates farmers on how to use this hazardous technology nor provides basic healthcare facilities in each village. Primary health centres should be equipped with antidotes and saline, besides doctors and nurses who are trained in tackling cases of the kind,” he said.

Jawandhia also pointed out that labourers spray 15 to 18 tanks of pesticides, when six to 10 would be enough, just because they are paid in accordance with the number of containers used up.

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India – Did you know these facts about #Aadhaar?

Do you know what is wrong with Aadhaar
# Nothing – not your identity, address, resident status or even existence – is certified by anyone
# No one has audited the database: based on IT Minister R.S.Prasad’s statements in Parliament, estimated excess of 45% database is ghosts and duplicates
# Nothing is unique: your biometric doesn’t pull up your unique record
# No identification by anyone ever happened: enrolment required 2 other identity documents, not identification
# Data submitted by only 50 enrolment agencies, whose core business is other than identification, was allotted one billion numbers across 707 districts of India
# The UIDAI holds no legal liability for misuse, fraud, exclusion, denial on anyone, you cannot go to the police or even the court to complain
# Legislative overreach of UIDAI beyond mandate: gone beyond providing identification to deciding access, rights, exclusion, punishments
# Aadhaar regulations contains rules which are not consistent with with the Act (Eg: Storage of Aadhaar numbers)
# Authentication is not identification: just because a biometric matched doesn’t prove the person is who she claims or that person is present at all
# Authentication is not consent or authorisation: just because biometrics matched or OTP matched doesn’t mean the person has accepted/consented or authorised anything
# Subsidy being misdirected to Aadhaar numbers not real beneficiaries: Airtel Payments bank opened thousands of bank accounts with Aadhaar numbers that got subsidy, widow lost life because her pension was directed to another Aadhaar number, many such cases reported across India
# Exclusion of over 45% beneficiaries whose biometric fails, devices don’t work or distributors misuse biometrics: Stories from Rajasthan, Jharkhand etc.
# Dehumanizing the government: denial of food, education, even cremation for want of Aadhaar or authentication
# RBI had consistently resisted Aadhaar and highlighted it had no role to play for banking
Do you know what will certainly go wrong with Aadhaar?
# Your demographic details can be used on another number to authenticate you (biometrics will match the perpetrators number)
# Your number can be used by a perpetrator to obtain SIM cards, open bank accounts, get you married, transfer your property, enter into contracts on your behalf without your ability to seek redressal or justice
# You lose your identity and belongings the moment you lose your mobile phone (OTP Authentication)
# Your biometric can be stored by anyone using it and used repeatedly for other transactions not authorised by you
# Your number can be disabled at any time resulting in your “civil death” and preventing your access to anything requiring your Aadhaar
# Your Aadhaar can be used by criminals to open benami accounts in your name, siphon your subsidies or launder money
# Accounts linked to Aadhaar enable Aadhaar based payments to pull money from your account without leaving a trace
# Your demographic and biometric details can be updated through several channels without your knowledge allowing perpetrators to take over your identity
# The hundreds of millions of ghosts and duplicates in the system allow benami bank accounts, benami properties and benami transactions
# The hundreds of millions of benami bank accounts created by Aadhaar KYC allow parking black money, collecting bribes, financing crime
# The hundreds of millions of ghosts allow creation of terror sleeper cells and infiltration of security forces compromising national security
# The hundreds of millions of ghosts allow the rewriting of electoral rolls, other databases that protect the sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic and republic status
Do share widely so that we may restore the promise of our Preamble to justice, equality, liberty and dignity and ensure India remains a sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic republic.

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India- #Aadhaar sparks debate over human right to personal data

Campaigners and technology experts have raised concerns about privacy and the safety of Aadhaar data, the susceptibility of biometrics to failure, and the misuse of data
The government can use the data without the consent or knowledge of individuals to profile and monitor them, according to an IIT professor. Photo: Pradeep Gaur/Mint

The government can use the data without the consent or knowledge of individuals to profile and monitor them, according to an IIT professor. Photo: Pradeep Gaur/Mint

Mumbai:When Parash, an HIV-positive man, went to a government hospital in Delhi a few months ago to get his medication, he was turned away.

He did not have an Aadhaar, a biometric identity card with a unique identification number issued by the Indian government.

The 27-year-old had earlier showed his driver’s licence or voter card to get his anti-retroviral therapy (ART) drugs at a charity, but the hospital did not accept these as proof of identity. They insisted on his Aadhaar.

“The medications are my lifeline. I have other government IDs — passport, driver’s licence, a voter ID, but without Aadhaar, I am nothing to the state,” said Parash, who declined to give his last name.

India launched Aadhaar, now the world’s biggest biometric database, in 2009 to streamline welfare payments and reduce wastage in public spending.

Since then, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been keen to mandate the use of Aadhaar for everything from filing income taxes to the registration of mobile phone numbers and booking railway tickets.

Campaigners and technology experts have raised concerns about privacy and the safety of the data, the susceptibility of biometrics to failure, and the misuse of data for profiling or increased surveillance.

Aadhaar is now mandatory for welfare, pension and employment schemes, despite a 2014 Supreme Court ruling that it cannot be a requirement for welfare programmes.

Parash suspects his experience is not an isolated case.

“I have heard of others — sex workers and transgender people — who have been denied ART because they did not have Aadhaar or because they did not want to give (their data) because they are scared of being outed and linked to other databases,” he said.

More than 1 billion people of India’s 1.25 billion population have been issued the 12-digit Aadhaar, which uses personal data, fingerprints and iris scans to identify them.

“An eco-system is being created where we don’t have control of our own data and where a single identifier — the Aadhaar — links all databases and becomes a tool for profiling and surveillance,” said Reetika Khera, an associate professor at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) in New Delhi.

“There is rampant interlinking of discrete databases without data protection,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

An Aadhaar, which means “foundation” in Hindi, speeds up transactions such as opening bank accounts and getting new mobile phone contracts, doing away with middlemen and potential fraudsters, the government says.

Banks, mobile services companies and airlines can access parts of the Aadhaar database to verify identities.

Companies could also share information on a person’s spending and consumption habits, for example, and link the data to public records like the electoral register.

The government can use the data without the consent or knowledge of individuals to profile and monitor them, said Khera.

Some of India’s most vulnerable people, including migrants and the elderly, are at risk of being excluded if they are unable to prove their identity, said Usha Ramanathan, a lawyer.

“The state is making Aadhaar ubiquitous and putting pressure on people to prove their identity, forcing even those who otherwise have no digital presence to leave a digital footprint,” she said.

“It is not just a violation of privacy, it is the creation of a surveillance state: everyone is being forced to get this number, and every agency is becoming an agent for the state.”

There have been reports of biometrics failing when fingerprints have faded, and of deaths linked to denial of subsidised food when verification failed.

There have also been reports of security breaches, but the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which oversees the programme, said Aadhaar is “fully safe and secure and there has been no data leak or breach”.

India’s top court in August ruled individual privacy is a fundamental right and part of the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution.

The court’s landmark ruling also recognised “informational privacy” as part of the right to privacy and asked the government to put in place a robust data protection framework.

While the ruling was seen as a setback for the rollout of Aadhaar, the information technology minister said it affirmed the government’s view that privacy is subject to “reasonable restrictions”.

Last month, the ministry for information technology released a draft data protection law to prevent misuse of personal information, which also suggested grounds under which such data can be processed without consent.

But in addition to a comprehensive data protection law, Aadhaar must be made voluntary, as it was originally intended, said Mishi Chaudhary, a technology lawyer.

“People should not be forced to do this. We need privacy, not just for those of us who understand what it is about, but also for people who don’t understand what they are giving up for certain services,” she said.

“I don’t want to live in a panopticon, where even the FedEx guy can ask for my Aadhaar number,” she said, pointing to China’s social credit system as an example of the dystopian future that India could be headed towards with Aadhaar.

The Chinese system, due to become mandatory in 2020, rates daily activities to create a score of trustworthiness that could determine if a person is eligible for a mortgage or a job.

Meanwhile, some countries are reining in their digital identity systems, with Estonia — seen as a leader in providing government services online — suspending 760,000 national ID cards last month to fix a security flaw.

Any data protection law in India must ensure an individual’s constitutional rights are protected, said Nishant Shah, co-founder of think tank Centre for Internet & Society.

“Data touches every part of our life, and has a material impact on how we live and love and die,” he said.

“As long as we think of data as property, we must constantly find ways of regulating and protecting it, and reconcile ourselves to the fact that it’s a commodity. With digital IDs, we have no agency,” he said.

For people like Parash, who was denied his life-saving medication because he does not have an Aadhaar, and for others who do not want to surrender their data to the state, another option must be considered, Shah said.

“If we were to think of right to data as an inalienable right, like the right to dignity, then even if we voluntarily give it, we could be sure that it can’t be used for purposes that violate our dignity,” he said. “The ones who are hurt most by its extraction are often the most vulnerable,” he said. Thomson Reuters Foundation


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Bengaluru gang rape survivor-They hurled me at wall like a ball #Vaw


Sunitha Rao R


  • Suma (name changed), 26, was gang-raped on November 23 by six unidentified men in an abandoned structure
  • “Three men attacked me and hurled me at the wall like a ball. They hit my legs with stones even as they shot videos with their phones,” says Suma.

Representative ImageRepresentative Image

BENGALURU: She can’t move an inch because of injuries on her limbs and hips. Her right knee is swollen while the right hand has a fracture and has been operated upon.

Suma (name changed), 26, says the excruciating pain is bad but worse is the mental trauma of being raped by six men three weeks ago and fending for herself for over 36 hours before being rescued.

“Three men attacked me and hurled me at the wall like a ball. They hit my legs with stones even as they shot videos with their phones. I was crying in pain,” says Suma, currently being treated at Bowring Hospital.

Suma, who moved to Bengaluru 14 years ago after she lost her family in an earthquake and works as a dishwasher at a hotel for just ₹50 a day, was gang-raped on November 23 by six unidentified men in an abandoned structure where she lived on the outskirts of Anekal.

“Six men raped me repeatedly through the night. When they left me, I could not walk. With hardly any clothes on my body, I crawled to the main road the next morning and sat near the bus stop the whole day. No one approached me and I was too scared to speak to anyone,” Suma told TOI .

As dusk set in on November 24, Suma crawled to a tea shop nearby where she slept. The next morning Suma returned to the bus stop.

Meanwhile, she picked up some clothes from a garbage pile and was wearing a ripped shirt when she was spotted by Parijatha G T, an activist from Stree Jagriti Samithi, who was on her way to work. “I sensed something amiss and went to her. I offered her food and asked what had happened. She explained her plight. No villager had helped her. She had crawled for almost a 250 metres from the abandoned structure to the bus stop,” said Parijatha.

She called for an ambulance and rushed Suma to the One Stop crisis centre set up by the government at Bowring Hospital for the rescue, medical and legal care of rape survivors.

Suma underwent a surgery to fix her right hand fracture two days ago and is recovering. “She is courageous and must get government assistance from the Nirbhaya Fund,” said Parijatha.

“We’re trying to raise funds to help her. She may need at least six months to recover and needs palliative care. We want to make sure she has a job and a place to stay,” says Rini Ralte, president, North-East Solidarity, an NGO.

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PM Modi Asks What He Did To Deserve Insults. Fantastic 22-Point Reply

A Facebook post ‘answering’ Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s question has gone viral on social media.

Recently, the Prime Minister asked ‘what he had done to deserve the insults’ thrown at him by the Congress.

In a Facebook post, Devdan Chaudhuri ‘answered’ the PM’s questions in a 22-point reply. Here is the text in full:

Here is a brief list to answer your question Mister Prime Minister:

1. For destroying India’s economy via Demonetisation and not taking responsibility for the damage it has done.

2. For destroying the traditional plural culture of our ancient land via organised polarisation – not just religious, but also regional, linguistic and cultural.

3. For destroying the profound teachings of Hinduism/ Sanatan Dharma by placing Savarkar’s fascist Hindutva as Hinduism.

4. For continuing the charade of fake nationalism when your deeds and policies are only harming India.

5. For being a government – not of India – but of Hindutva forces, crony corporations and foreign vested interests – especially the Zionist global banking cartel.

6. For false promises and falsehoods which are being spread through multiple channels everyday.

7. For violating the principles of the Indian Constitution by introducing theocratic militant nationalism and anti-privacy/ anti-freedom Aadhaar.

8. For destroying the pillars of Democracy by de-fanging media and institutions – which are critical to offer any semblance of truth and justice.

9. For not listening to people and the diversity of voices – but to impose dictates via coercion and intimidation.

10. For being anti-intellectual and actively promoting the hatred of the learned and the educated.

11. For doing all the tricks in the book to curb dissent and freedom of expression.

12. For sinking all the human development indexes since 2014.

13. For waging a fake ‘morality play ‘of anti-corruption crusade when the real policies of the government point to the opposite direction.

14. For hiding from unscripted questions which the people want to ask you – no single press conference since you came to power.

15. For focussing on PR, publicity, events and propaganda, but not the real issues of the nation.

16. For ruining India’s traditional ‘non-aligned’ foreign policy.

17. For instigating the ego – hate and greed – through your theatrical ‘carrot and stick’ speeches.

18. For surrounding yourself with sycophants who have no talent for governance.

19. For being obsessive about grandiose ideas/ misplaced priorities and failing to deliver.

20. For misunderstanding the meaning of ‘development’ by neglecting social justice.

21. For being pro-super-rich and putting the poor and the Middle class under the technocratic Neoliberal Economic policies which have hollowed out the West.

22. For raging a war against India via the toxic brew of Hindutva and Neoliberalism, and destroying the people’s faith and trust upon the government.

And you ask, what I have done to deserve this?

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Bihar – Doctor locked out of #Aadhaar as his fingerprint has ‘faded with age’ , knocks SC doors

  • Dr C P N Thakur, from Muzzafarupur, Bihar, cannot access a range of services
  • He says the skin on his fingers has lost elasticity which is preventing fingerprint-reading machines from finding his data
  • Called for a change in policy and says any senior citizen can face problems

A 73-year-old doctor has taken a unique petition to the Supreme Court calling for a review of Aadhaar policies after he was prevented from using a range of services due to his fingerpint fading with age.

Dr C P N Thakur, hailing from Muzzafarupur, Bihar obtained an Aadhaar card by submitting his demographic and biometric information but he can no longer use it.

He has now taken his plight to the country’s apex court, raising a problem which any senior citizen could potentially face.

Dr C P N Thakur, from Muzzafarupur, Bihar, says he cannot access a range of services and has taken his plight to the Supreme Court

Dr C P N Thakur, from Muzzafarupur, Bihar, says he cannot access a range of services and has taken his plight to the Supreme Court

With increasing age, Thakur’s fingerprints changed. It got more difficult to capture them on the biometric machine, because the skin of the fingers lost its elasticity and the patterns of ridges and furrows become less prominent.

On February 8 this year, he applied for Reliance JIO-Wi-Fi connection, but it was not granted due to the variance in his fingerprints. At stake was many other services as almost everything is being linked to Aadhaar today.

Thakur’s advocate Mukti Singh told a bench headed by Justice A K Sikri that he approached authorities of Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), then nodal agency which issues Aadhaar cards, twice to update his biometric details but the request was rejected citing ‘poor quality of fingers’.

Aadhaar biometric identity card are needed to access many services across India 

Aadhaar biometric identity card are needed to access many services across India

Dr Thakur called for a change in policy and says any senior citizen can face problems 

Dr Thakur called for a change in policy and says any senior citizen can face problems

Kindling hopes in the minds of thousands of senior citizens facing similar problems, a bench of Justices A K Sikri and Ashok Bhushan asked advocate Zoheb Hossain, who appeared for UIDAI to consider Thakur’s plea and take a decision within a month.

Section 31 of the Aadhaar Act allows updating personal details. Thus in case any biometric and demographic information of an Aadhaar number holder is found incorrect or changes subsequently, the card holder shall request the authority to alter such information with the Central Identities Data Repository.

Singh also urged the court to exempt Thakur from giving fingerprints and to collect only an iris scan for updating the biometric information of his Aadhar Card.

Thakur has sent a letter to the chairman and Public Grievance Cell of UIDAI, and other authorities, requesting them to take steps to help senior citizens whose fingerprints do not match their earlier fingerprints due to the loss of elasticity of skin due to age.

In his case, he had received a response from the public grievance cell of UIDAI, informing him that the update request is ‘rejected’ and he had to ‘re-enroll himself’.

‘The response was like making a mockery of my grievance, totally overlooking the fact that the swirls and ridges of my fingers have been obliterated due to ageing and cannot regenerate’, he said.

‘Because Aadhar card has been made essential for a number of services like banking, telecom and is likely to be made mandatory for several more services and day to day activities like driving licence, renewal of passport and checking in to airport etc, the card is very essential’, said Thakur.

He pointed out: ‘If my current finger prints don’t match the information in CIDR, I will be denied various services and facilities.’

Read more:

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चुटका परियोजना से खतरनाक नदी बन जाएगी नर्मदा : मेधा पाटकर

medha patkar chutka project 20171213 14468 12 12 2017

मंडला, नईदुनिया प्रतिनिधि। चुटका परमाणु परियोजना विरोधी संघर्ष समिति द्वारा मंगलवार को आयोजित चेतावनी सभा में विभिन्न संगठनों और आदिवासियों द्वारा परियोजना को रद्द करने की मांग की गई। सभा में पहुंचीं समाजसेवी व नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन की अगुआ मेधा पाटकर ने कहा कि सरकार 101 ग्राम सभाओं की अवमानना कर रही है।

सरकार विकास के नाम पर आदिवासियों को विस्थापित कर रही है। चुटका परियोजना से नर्मदा खतरनाक नदी बन जाएगी। उन्होंने कहा कि आप ही हमारी आशा हैं विश्वास हैं। नहीं तो देश में न नर्मदा बचेगी न कोई अन्य नदी। बाद में संघर्ष समिति द्वारा राज्यपाल के नाम ज्ञापन देकर परियोजना रद्द करने व पुर्नवास कार्यक्रम रोकने की मांग की गई।

आदिवासियों की परवाह नहीं

मेधा पाटकर ने कहा कि नर्मदा सेवा यात्रा में शिवराज हेलीकाप्टर से आते थे। सेवा यात्रा के नाम पर करोड़ों रुपए बरबाद कर दिए। अयोध्या के नाम पर बखेड़ा खड़ा किया जा रहा है, लेकिन आदिवासियों की परवाह नहीं है। उन्होंने उपस्थित आदिवासी समुदाय से कहा कि प्रकृति के साथ आपका जुड़ाव ही जंगल को बचा सकता है। एक चुटका के लिए करोड़ों खर्च किए जा रहे हैं। सरकार सरदार सरोवर का पानी कोका कोला को देती है। नर्मदा को यहां भी सुखा रही है।

पानी के लिए भी लड़ाई

उन्होंने कहा कि विस्थापितों का पुर्नवास करना सरकारों की बस की बात नहीं। पीने के पानी के लिए भी लड़ाई करना पड़ता है। मुख से निवाला छीन रही है सरकार। ग्राम सभा ने जब मंजूर नहीं किया है तो फिर दूसरी बार विस्थापन कैस होगा। सरकारों पर आरोप लगाते हुए मेधा पाटकर ने कहा कि जमीन,जंगल, जीवन सब कुछ बचाया जा सकता है। पर इनका सपना यह नहीं है। इनका सपना तो 5साल तक कुर्सी हथियानें का रहता है। हम आपके साथ लड़ाई में हैं।

हम लड़ाई लड़ेंगे और जीतेंगे

हम किसी से भीख मांगने नहीं आए हैं। हम सब कुछ ताक पर पर रखकर लड़ेंगे तो जीतेंगे। मेधा ने कहा कि पानी का तापमान बढ़ता है तो मछली मर जाती है। वैज्ञानिकों का कहना है क 0.5 प्रतिशत तापमान बढ़ेता तो असर होता है। हमें हर प्राकृतिक संसाधन बचाना है। प्राकृतिक संसाधानों पर हमें हक जताना है। मछली पर पहला अधिकार विस्थापित परिवारों का है। आदिवासियों से कहा कि पानी आपका, मछली आपकी, जंगल आपका है। उन्होंने ये नारे भी लगवाया कि जहां डूबी जमीन हमारी, पानी मछली कैसे तुम्हारी।

भूकंप का खतरा मोल लेने वाली योजना

मेधा पाटकर ने कहा कि चुटका परियोजना भूकंप का खतरा मोल लेने वाली योजना है। परियोजना से जुड़े संस्थान वाले कहते हैं 7 रिएक्टर का भूकंप आएगा तो भी बच जाएगा। बांध तो बचेगा लेकिन यहां के रहने वालों का क्या होगा। उन्होंने मुख्यमंत्री शिवराज सिंह चौहान को चेताया कि विधानसभा चुनाव दूर नहीं है। पीएम मोदी को भी गुजरात चुनाव में खुद को उतरना पड़ा है। चुटका परियोजना को को शिवराज के लिए परीक्षा बताया। अब पैसा फेको तमाशा देखो यह नहीं चलेगा। चुटका आदिवासी नेतृत्व के लिए चुनौती है। उन्होंने आदिवासियों से आह्वान किया कि ऐसी ताकत खड़ी कर दीजिए कि हर योजना में ग्राम सभा में सरकार को सलाम करना पड़े।

चुटका परियोजना एक धोखा है

जनपद अध्यक्ष निवास चैन सिंह वरकड़े ने कहा कि चुटका परियोजना से पहले बरगी बांध 162 गांव प्रभावित हुए। उनके लिए सरकारों ने क्या किया। सरकारों ने कोई सुध नहीं ली। विस्थापित परिवार कहा हैं। अब 800 परिवार फिर विस्थापित हो रहे हैं। मप्र सरकार एक बड़ी साजिश कर रही है। उन्होंने कहा कि विस्थापित परिवारों के लिए 375 करोड़ सरकार खर्च कर रही है। एक परिवार को लगभग 1 लाख 40 हजार के आवास बनाकर दे रही है। काफी कम राशि में आवास बन जाएंगे। बाकि पैसा कहां जाएगा। चुटका परमाणु परियोजना एक धोखा है।

आदिवासी विस्थापन के लिए अभिशप्त

गुलजार सिंह मरकाम ने कहा कि आदिवासी विस्थापन के लिए ही अभिशप्त हैं। प्रदेश में सबसे अधिक विस्थापन आदिवासियों का ही हो रहा है। जिले में आदिवासीयों का ही नेतृत्व है। यह बड़े दुर्भाग्य की बात है कि आदिवासी समुदायक नेतृत्व होने के बाद भी आदिवासी ही इस दंश को झेल रहे हैं। जनप्रतिनिधियों के बारे में कहा कि उन्हें केवल टिकट व पद की चिंता रहती है।

इसके लिए सारे के सारे जनप्रतिनिधि जिम्मेदार हैं। खतरे पर डालने का काम जनप्रतिनधियों ने किया है। इन पर कभी भरोसा न करो। घटना यदि हुई तो मंडला भी नहीं बचेगा। उन्होंने आदिवासियों से आव्हान किया कि सावधान हो जाओ, जो परमाणु बिजली घर का समर्थन करे उस वोट नहीं देना। नेताओं से एग्रीमेंट करवाओ तभी वोट देना।

विकास के नाम पर विनाश किया जा रहा

नारायणगंज जनपद के उपाध्यक्ष भूपेंद्र वरकड़े ने कहा कि ये संघर्ष,लड़ाई, विरोध सरकार के खिलाफ है। जमीन बचाने का संघर्ष है। उन्होंने कहा कि जमीन खत्म हो गई तो आदिवासियों की पहचान खत्म हो जाएगी। यह आने वाली पीढ़ी को बचाने की लड़ाई है। आज आदिवासियों के पास मात्र 3 प्रतिशत जमीन रह गई है। युवा साथियों से आव्हान किया कि हम जब तक जिंदा रहेंगे जमीन के लिए अंतिम दम तक लड़ते रहेंगे।

नहीं कर सके एक भी परमाणु घर चालू

भारतीय कम्यूनिस्ट पार्टी के विजय कुमार ने कहा कि सरकार ने कहा था कि 2020 तक 20 परमाणु संयंत्र चालू कर देंगे। पर एक भी चालू नहीं हो पाए। इसका एक ही कारण है कि परमाणु संयंत्र के खिलाफ लोग लड़ रहे हैं। परमाणु उर्जा को हमारे यहां लादा जा रहा है। जब दूसरे देश बंद कर रहे हैं। 30 किमी के दायरे में रेडियो धर्मिता परमाणु घर के आसपास फैलती है। लेकिन हवा से यह सैकड़ों किमी तक फैलती है। इसका प्रभाव मंडला के लोग भी सहेंगे। यह क चलता फिरता परमाणु बम जैसा है।

इन्होंने भी संबोधित किया

उमेश तिवारी रोको,टोको ठोको का्रंतिकारी मोर्चा, यश्वीर आर्याआजादी बचाओ आंदोलन, अरविंद श्रीवास्तव, आराधना भार्गव,सीपीएम सचिव बादल सरोज, उड़ीसा से प्रफुल्ल सोमंत्रा लोक शक्ति अभियान, जीडी बख्शी आदिवासी महासभा आदि लोगों ने संबोधित किया।

  • आंदोलन को देखते हुए पुलिस बल बड़ी संख्या में शहर में तैनात रहा।

  • कलेक्ट्रेट परिसर में भी बल मौजूद रहा।

  • लेकिन देर शाम तक सभा होने से सभा स्थल में ही एसडीएम मणींद्र सिंह को मंच में ही ज्ञापन दिया गया।

  • सभा स्थल में भी बड़ी संख्या में पुलिस बल मौजूद रहा।

  • लेकिन शांतिपूर्ण कार्यक्रम रहा।

मीडिया से चर्चा में पाटकर ने ये भी कहा

  • नर्मदा को रेडियाधर्मी बना रहे हैं।

  • शिवराज की नर्मदा सेवा यात्रा के बारे में कहा कि उर्जा के नाम पर विकास के नाम पर खेल चल रहा है। उसी को छुपाने यह यात्रा की गई।

  • ग्राम पंचायतों को रेत उत्खनन का अधिकार दे दिया गया है। अब इससे और अधिक रेत अवैध रूप से बेहिसाब निकलेगी।

  • ऐसे में अब नर्मदा यमुना बन जाएगी।

  • शिवराज ने मेवा कमाने नर्मदा सेवा यात्रा की।

  • चुटका परियोजना शिवराज की परीक्षा है।

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Salma Hayek – Harvey Weinstein Is My Monster Too #Vaw

HARVEY WEINSTEIN WAS a passionate cinephile, a risk taker, a patron of talent in film, a loving father and a monster.

For years, he was my monster.

This fall, I was approached by reporters, through different sources, including my dear friend Ashley Judd, to speak about an episode in my life that, although painful, I thought I had made peace with.

I had brainwashed myself into thinking that it was over and that I had survived; I hid from the responsibility to speak out with the excuse that enough people were already involved in shining a light on my monster. I didn’t consider my voice important, nor did I think it would make a difference.

In reality, I was trying to save myself the challenge of explaining several things to my loved ones: Why, when I had casually mentioned that I had been bullied like many others by Harvey, I had excluded a couple of details. And why, for so many years, we have been cordial to a man who hurt me so deeply. I had been proud of my capacity for forgiveness, but the mere fact that I was ashamed to describe the details of what I had forgiven made me wonder if that chapter of my life had really been resolved.

When so many women came forward to describe what Harvey had done to them, I had to confront my cowardice and humbly accept that my story, as important as it was to me, was nothing but a drop in an ocean of sorrow and confusion. I felt that by now nobody would care about my pain — maybe this was an effect of the many times I was told, especially by Harvey, that I was nobody.

We are finally becoming conscious of a vice that has been socially accepted and has insulted and humiliated millions of girls like me, for in every woman there is a girl. I am inspired by those who had the courage to speak out, especially in a society that elected a president who has been accused of sexual harassment and assault by more than a dozen women and whom we have all heard make a statement about how a man in power can do anything he wants to women.

Well, not anymore.

In the 14 years that I stumbled from schoolgirl to Mexican soap star to an extra in a few American films to catching a couple of lucky breaks in “Desperado” and “Fools Rush In,” Harvey Weinstein had become the wizard of a new wave of cinema that took original content into the mainstream. At the same time, it was unimaginable for a Mexican actress to aspire to a place in Hollywood. And even though I had proven them wrong, I was still a nobody.

One of the forces that gave me the determination to pursue my career was the story of Frida Kahlo, who in the golden age of the Mexican muralists would do small intimate paintings that everybody looked down on. She had the courage to express herself while disregarding skepticism. My greatest ambition was to tell her story. It became my mission to portray the life of this extraordinary artist and to show my native Mexico in a way that combated stereotypes.

The Weinstein empire, which was then Miramax, had become synonymous with quality, sophistication and risk taking — a haven for artists who were complex and defiant. It was everything that Frida was to me and everything I aspired to be.

I had started a journey to produce the film with a different company, but I fought to get it back to take it to Harvey.

I knew him a little bit through my relationship with the director Robert Rodriguez and the producer Elizabeth Avellan, who was then his wife, with whom I had done several films and who had taken me under their wing. All I knew of Harvey at the time was that he had a remarkable intellect, he was a loyal friend and a family man.

Knowing what I know now, I wonder if it wasn’t my friendship with them — and Quentin Tarantino and George Clooney — that saved me from being raped.

The deal we made initially was that Harvey would pay for the rights of work I had already developed. As an actress, I would be paid the minimum Screen Actors Guild scale plus 10 percent. As a producer, I would receive a credit that would not yet be defined, but no payment, which was not that rare for a female producer in the ’90s. He also demanded a signed deal for me to do several other films with Miramax, which I thought would cement my status as a leading lady.

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I did not care about the money; I was so excited to work with him and that company. In my naïveté, I thought my dream had come true. He had validated the last 14 years of my life. He had taken a chance on me — a nobody. He had said yes.

Little did I know it would become my turn to say no.

No to opening the door to him at all hours of the night, hotel after hotel, location after location, where he would show up unexpectedly, including one location where I was doing a movie he wasn’t even involved with.

No to me taking a shower with him.

No to letting him watch me take a shower.

No to letting him give me a massage.

No to letting a naked friend of his give me a massage.

No to letting him give me oral sex.

No to my getting naked with another woman.

No, no, no, no, no …

And with every refusal came Harvey’s Machiavellian rage.

Salma Hayek on the set of the film “Frida.”Susana Gonzalez/Newsmakers

I don’t think he hated anything more than the word “no.” The absurdity of his demands went from getting a furious call in the middle of the night asking me to fire my agent for a fight he was having with him about a different movie with a different client to physically dragging me out of the opening gala of the Venice Film Festival, which was in honor of “Frida,” so I could hang out at his private party with him and some women I thought were models but I was told later were high-priced prostitutes.

The range of his persuasion tactics went from sweet-talking me to that one time when, in an attack of fury, he said the terrifying words, “I will kill you, don’t think I can’t.”

When he was finally convinced that I was not going to earn the movie the way he had expected, he told me he had offered my role and my script with my years of research to another actress.

In his eyes, I was not an artist. I wasn’t even a person. I was a thing: not a nobody, but a body.

At that point, I had to resort to using lawyers, not by pursuing a sexual harassment case, but by claiming “bad faith,” as I had worked so hard on a movie that he was not intending to make or sell back to me. I tried to get it out of his company.

He claimed that my name as an actress was not big enough and that I was incompetent as a producer, but to clear himself legally, as I understood it, he gave me a list of impossible tasks with a tight deadline:

Much to everyone’s amazement, not least my own, I delivered, thanks to a phalanx of angels who came to my rescue, including Edward Norton, who beautifully rewrote the script several times and appallingly never got credit, and my friend Margaret Perenchio, a first-time producer, who put up the money. The brilliant Julie Taymor agreed to direct, and from then on she became my rock. For the other roles, I recruited my friends Antonio Banderas, Edward Norton and my dear Ashley Judd. To this day, I don’t know how I convinced Geoffrey Rush, whom I barely knew at the time.

Now Harvey Weinstein was not only rejected but also about to do a movie he did not want to do.

Ironically, once we started filming, the sexual harassment stopped but the rage escalated. We paid the price for standing up to him nearly every day of shooting. Once, in an interview he said Julie and I were the biggest ball busters he had ever encountered, which we took as a compliment.

Halfway through shooting, Harvey turned up on set and complained about Frida’s “unibrow.” He insisted that I eliminate the limp and berated my performance. Then he asked everyone in the room to step out except for me. He told me that the only thing I had going for me was my sex appeal and that there was none of that in this movie. So he told me he was going to shut down the film because no one would want to see me in that role.

It was soul crushing because, I confess, lost in the fog of a sort of Stockholm syndrome, I wanted him to see me as an artist: not only as a capable actress but also as somebody who could identify a compelling story and had the vision to tell it in an original way.

I was hoping he would acknowledge me as a producer, who on top of delivering his list of demands shepherded the script and obtained the permits to use the paintings. I had negotiated with the Mexican government, and with whomever I had to, to get locations that had never been given to anyone in the past — including Frida Kahlo’s houses and the murals of Kahlo’s husband, Diego Rivera, among others.

But all of this seemed to have no value. The only thing he noticed was that I was not sexy in the movie. He made me doubt if I was any good as an actress, but he never succeeded in making me think that the film was not worth making.

He offered me one option to continue. He would let me finish the film if I agreed to do a sex scene with another woman. And he demanded full-frontal nudity.

He had been constantly asking for more skin, for more sex. Once before, Julie Taymor got him to settle for a tango ending in a kiss instead of the lovemaking scene he wanted us to shoot between the character Tina Modotti, played by Ashley Judd, and Frida.

But this time, it was clear to me he would never let me finish this movie without him having his fantasy one way or another. There was no room for negotiation.

I had to say yes. By now so many years of my life had gone into this film. We were about five weeks into shooting, and I had convinced so many talented people to participate. How could I let their magnificent work go to waste?

I had asked for so many favors, I felt an immense pressure to deliver and a deep sense of gratitude for all those who did believe in me and followed me into this madness. So I agreed to do the senseless scene.

I arrived on the set the day we were to shoot the scene that I believed would save the movie. And for the first and last time in my career, I had a nervous breakdown: My body began to shake uncontrollably, my breath was short and I began to cry and cry, unable to stop, as if I were throwing up tears.

Since those around me had no knowledge of my history of Harvey, they were very surprised by my struggle that morning. It was not because I would be naked with another woman. It was because I would be naked with her for Harvey Weinstein. But I could not tell them then.

My mind understood that I had to do it, but my body wouldn’t stop crying and convulsing. At that point, I started throwing up while a set frozen still waited to shoot. I had to take a tranquilizer, which eventually stopped the crying but made the vomiting worse. As you can imagine, this was not sexy, but it was the only way I could get through the scene.

By the time the filming of the movie was over, I was so emotionally distraught that I had to distance myself during the postproduction.

When Harvey saw the cut film, he said it was not good enough for a theatrical release and that he would send it straight to video.

This time Julie had to fight him without me and got him to agree to release the film in one movie theater in New York if we tested it to an audience and we scored at least an 80.

Less than 10 percent of films achieve that score on a first screening.

I didn’t go to the test. I anxiously awaited to receive the news. The film scored 85.

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Kobad Ghandy, Doon School-educated Maoist leader, released from Vizag prison on bail

Ghandy was arrested by Andhra Pradesh Police and a special police team of Delhi Police on September 20, 2009 from New Delhi and he has been lodged at various jails since then.

Srinivasa Rao Apparasu
Hindustan Times, Hyderabad
Maoist ideologue Kobad Gandhi was released from Visakhapatnam central prison on Tuesday night after he secured bail in multiple cases pending against him.
Maoist ideologue Kobad Gandhi was released from Visakhapatnam central prison on Tuesday night after he secured bail in multiple cases pending against him. (HinHT File Photo )

Top Maoist leader Kobad Ghandy, who is facing trial in several cases of murder and sabotage, was released on bail from Visakhapatnam central prison on Tuesday night.

According to official sources, 66-year-old ideologue of the outlawed CPI (Maoist) secured bail in the multiple cases pending against him in various cities, including Visakhapatnam.

He immediately left for his native place Mumbai after coming out of the jail, sources said.

Ghandy, who used several alias like Aravind, Saleem, Kamal and Azad, was arrested by Andhra Pradesh police from New Delhi in 2009.

He was earlier lodged in Cherlapalli central jail on the outskirt of Hyderabad for three months in connection with the assassination of former Congress MLA Chittem Narsi Reddy in August 2005. Prior to that he spent seven years in Tihar jail in Delhi. He had been in Visakhapatnam jail since April 4 this year.

The former central committee member of the CPI(Maoist) is also an accused in the murder of former Andhra Pradesh assembly speaker D Sripada Rao at Manthani in Karimnagar district in 1999.

 He was named in a conspiracy case pertaining to attack on a team of elite anti-Maoist commando unit Greyhounds at Gunurkayi village in Visakhapatnam in 2008. He was booked under the Explosive Substances Act and Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in the case.

The Maoist leader has been suffering from multiple ailments, including cancer of prostrate, over the past few years, sources said.

Ghandy, who studied in prestigious Doon School in Dehradun and Elphinstone College, Mumbai, joined Naxalite politics in late 1960s. During the 1980s, he became one of the leading organisers of the newly formed CPI(ML)(People’s War) group in Maharashtra.

An official said that Ghandy was acquitted in four cases and was granted bail in the remaining two cases. He was assisted by a lawyer after he was released from prison late in the evening to fly to Mumbai.

Ghandy, who was Central Committee member of the outlawed CPI (Maoist), was suffering from kidney ailments, prostrate cancer, high blood pressure, back problem, heart ailment and was generally unwell for several months, officials said.

After his arrest by the Andhra Pradesh police, he was lodged at Cherlapally Central Jail in connection with a case against him for the murder of former Congress MLA C Narsi Reddy in August 2005. He is also an accused in the murder of former Andhra Pradesh Assembly Speaker D Sripad Rao in 1999.

Most of the cases against him were under the Explosive Substances Act and Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Officials said that police failed to file chargesheets in cases against him in Andhra Pradesh.

When he was arrested in September 2009, Ghandy was also accused of trying to establish a network of CPI (Maoist) in New Delhi. He was acquitted of terror charges by Delhi’s Patiala House Court in June 2016.

Ghandy, a product of Doon School in Dehradun and Elphinstone College, Mumbai, joined Maoist politics in late 1960s.

He was one of the leading members of the CPI(ML) (People’s War) group in Maharashtra and has been a CPI (Maoist) Central Committee member since 2004, after the People’s War merged with the Maoist Communist Centre.

He has been part of the central committee and politburo of the CPI(Maoist) since its inception in 2004.

(With inputs from Snigdhendu Bhattacharya in Kolkata)

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