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We need to go beyond self-interest or we’re doomed: Jean Drèze

I don’t try to masquerade as a desi Indian: Jean Drèze.I don’t try to masquerade as a desi Indian: Jean Drèze.   | Photo Credit: V.V. KRISHNAN

The Indian education system would be a good place to start with reforms, says the development economist

Jean Drèze is possibly the world’s most famous Belgian-Indian. He has lived in India since 1979, and is an Indian citizen. As a development economist and activist, he has helped draft some startlingly pro-people legislations, such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005, and the National Food Security Act, 2013. In his most recent book, Sense and Solidarity: Jholawala Economics for Everyone (January 2018), he makes a strong case for combining economic research with public action. In a freewheeling chat, Drèze spoke about, among other things, the problems with economists, his idea of success, nationalism, and activism. Excerpts:

In general, economists are a part of the problem and not the solution. Would you agree?

Well, economics can be a very useful discipline if studied critically. But if you are not critical, then it can become toxic. If you take economic models at face value, you could end up being in a world of your own.

But even as a discipline, economics seems biased against the poor.

It’s not just economics. In many disciplines, if you look at the history of ideas, it is essentially ideas that are convenient for the privileged and the powerful that tend to flourish; they are the ones that get sponsored, the ones around which conferences are organised, and so on. In contrast, ideas that are deemed threatening to the established order tend to be sidelined.

Can you give an example?

Take the idea that competition is good not only for economic efficiency but also for social welfare. This is questionable even in terms of mainstream economic analysis. But the way it is taught is that, except in cases of asymmetric information or other market failures, there is general compatibility between competition and social welfare. On the other hand, ideas about the value of cooperation, which are equally important, have not been developed much. Another example is the concept of exploitation. We do not learn anything about it, and it is not even a word we use in economics courses. How can you understand the labour market in India, or the Indian economy without thinking about exploitation? Economic ideas like asymmetric information could help, but somehow they tend to be used for other purposes.

Isn’t ‘exploitation’ a ‘Marxist concept? Maybe that’s why it’s not in mainstream economics?

It’s not a Marxist concept, it’s a common sense concept. But it is perhaps seen as something that doesn’t belong in the discipline. We do have a conceptual tool to think about exploitation — the whole literature on asymmetric information. But this is just a big term to describe something as simple as, “I know something that you don’t, and I wont tell you.” In effect, this is just lying, but we don’t call it lying.

So if economics does have a conceptual tool to study exploitation, where is the problem?

The problem is in how it is used. If you look at the literature on asymmetric information, it started focussing very quickly on the concerns of the privileged, primarily the employers, the lenders — what if the labourer does not do the work he is supposed to do, what if the borrower does not repay, and so on. The whole thing started being looked at not from the point of view of the exploited but from the point of view of the exploiter. So, by this process of selection of ideas, we end up losing sight of a lot of things that are extremely important, such as exploitation, cooperation, class, caste. That’s why economists can end up, despite all their skills and brilliance, as not very reliable advisers on matters of social policy.


It often happens that the same set of economists work in the corporate sector, then they go to World Bank or IMF and tell governments what to do, and later they join the government themselves. Doesn’t this make them biased in some way?

Yes, this revolving door phenomenon is becoming a serious problem in the profession. When economists move around mostly in elite circles, their world-view can get coloured in a certain way. That’s why I feel economists should spend more time engaging with popular organisations, and the people at large. What is also problematic is that more and more of economic research is sponsored either by the corporate sector or the government, thereby affecting the independence of the economists.

As a development economist, how do you define development?

For me, development is about expanding people’s freedoms.

How do we expand people’s freedoms when, in the capitalist society we all inhabit, self-interest remains the supreme mover, with everyone trying to maximise his or her gains at the expense of others?

I don’t know if it’s true that people are living mainly by self-interest, though I do know that in economics there is a tendency to think like that. By and large, standard mainstream economics tends to conflate rationality and self-interest, though there is hardly any relation between the two. I think a lot of people have motivations other than self-interest, and these can be developed much more. But unfortunately, the schooling system, the economic system, and social norms tend to give more emphasis to self-interest as a motive, and that is a problem. If we want the human race to survive, we need to go beyond self-interest and foster different kinds of values and social norms. How to do that is a difficult question, but a good place to start would be the education system.

If you look at the Indian education system, there is a huge pressure to compete and come out on top, so obviously you are reinforcing the self-interest motive. Nonetheless, through education, democratic engagement, and social movements, you can still develop different ways of thinking and behaviour, and we have to do this somehow. Otherwise we are doomed.

I can’t see this happening with the Indian schooling system, given the breakneck pace of privatisation.

We need a big movement in India today, both for radically improving the quality of education, and to halt the privatisation of education. In India, by ‘private schools’, we mean mostly commercial schools. Where I grew up (in Belgium), there were many private schools but they were mainly non-profit schools run by NGOs, churches, civic organisations. They had government subsidy and they performed extremely well. But in India, the private sector in education is mostly the commercial sector, and I don’t think this is appropriate for elementary education.

Are you saying that market competition should not determine how educational goods are delivered?

That’s right. Market competition doesn’t work very well in the case of health and education, and this is not Marxian economics, this is something we learn from mainstream economics. There are good reasons why it doesn’t work.

Why is market competition bad for the schooling system?

For competition to work, consumers must have a fair idea of the product they are getting. So if you are buying an umbrella, you can see what it’s made of, open it, close it, and you’ll have a good idea of what you are paying for. But illiterate parents sending their children to school — what would they know about the quality of education their children are getting? Also, it’s not just a matter of efficiency but also of equity, especially in a country like India, which has a heavy historical burden of inequality of all kinds, such as caste, class, language, gender. A good schooling system would give all children, to the extent possible, a level playing field. But this objective is completely defeated by a commercial education system.

Most professionals, including economists and journalists, are disdainful of people who combine their work with activism. But you are an economist who has written a book on ‘jholawalaeconomics’.

Well, many of the economists who take a dim view of activists are actually activists themselves — they are activists for the corporate sector or for the government. There are economists who write relentlessly in the news media, deliberately pandering to certain interests because they know that this is how their career will advance. This somehow doesn’t count as activism. But someone who advocates minimum wages or the enforcement of environmental regulations suddenly becomes an activist. I think one has to be careful with the use of the term.

For me, economic research has always been a complement to action, a way of understanding the world and finding the means to change it. Research can lead to more effective action, and vice versa, too. Action can be a great learning experience for a researcher, especially collective action. It can help us deal with some of the blinkers we were talking about earlier. When you learn economics, you get trained to stop thinking about certain things. But when you are involved in actual policy discussions or social action, your eyes are opened to the very things you had forgotten or were made to forget. So I think there is a natural complementarity between research and action.


What exactly do you mean by action?

It’s a broad term that could mean many things. For me, it means using non-violent, democratic means to bring about change. It could mean legal action, taking to the streets, writing, or being a part of collective movements.

Coming to the state of the economy, why hasn’t there been much growth in private investment despite the fact that we’ve had a highly pro-business government at the Centre for the past four years?

I’m guessing this is because of the crisis in the banking system and the reluctance of banks to lend when they are already so exposed. It’s also interesting to look at the labour intensity of investment, because the present government is very focussed on the corporate sector and corporate growth. But those don’t necessarily generate much employment. So I think this obsession with corporate investment is not very healthy. We need much more investment of a labour-intensive kind in the informal sector, in agriculture, and other sectors that generate employment.

There is this whole middle-class obsession with success, this anxiety not to be seen as a ‘loser’. What is your idea of ‘success’?

It’s hard for me to answer this question because the whole idea of pursuing success is something that you have to question, I think. Do you mean personal success?

Individual success, yes.

I am not so much after personal success, but there are certain things that are important to me, certain causes. For example, the question of universal healthcare. If in my lifetime, India puts in place a system of universal healthcare that makes sense, as opposed to the token initiatives taking place today, I would count that as a success. At a more personal level, consistency between your beliefs and your actions, having a good rapport with your friends and family. I don’t think this is a matter of success, however. These are just the kinds of things one would hope to see and achieve in one’s lifetime.

What about success as a country?

At the country level, there are so many social, environmental and economic problems that I think success is too ambitious a term. I would prefer the term ‘progress’. One can think of many areas that are important. Health and education are paramount, elimination of poverty, halting the growth of the communalism and irrationality that we see now. These are areas where we can aim for progress.

What you are saying seems disconnected from what most people want India to be. They want India to at least be a regional superpower if not a global player, the world’s largest economy, and so on.

It is mostly the privileged classes that are thinking in those terms. I don’t think the rickshaw-wala cares if India has a seat in the UN Security Council. He would just like to live better.

Speaking of universal healthcare, did you just brand the Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana as ‘tokenism’?

It has been projected as a health insurance scheme, but it is actually a hospitalisation insurance scheme. This is not necessarily useless, but at best it offers a very partial protection, and the money is not there at all.

Not even for hospitalisation?

Right now its budget is ₹2,000 crore, and we are told it will grow to ₹10,000 crore. But even with that, it comes to barely ₹200 per person. Some people have the illusion that because this is insurance, you can somehow magnify the money. But it doesn’t work like that. What insurance does is distribute the money to those who need it more; it cannot transform ₹200 into ₹2,000. But the government is claiming a cover of ₹5 lakh. They are making it sound impressive.

As a naturalised Indian, does the recent resurgence of nationalist sentiment leave you cold?

By and large, yes. But I don’t try to masquerade as a desi Indian anyway. There are many kinds of Indians, and I am a Belgian-born Indian.

If India plays Belgium in the hockey World Cup, who will you support?

Nobody. I don’t follow hockey.

Let’s say India and Belgium face off in the World Cup of whichever sport you do happen to follow. Who will you support?

If there is, say, a football match, I might support one team, but it won’t be out of nationalist sentiment. I don’t have a nationalist sentiment — either Belgian or Indian. These national boundaries don’t mean much to me. I am very happy to be in India, and while I like many aspects of Indian society, there are also aspects I don’t like. But for me, it’s a good place to live and that’s what matters.

How ‘Indianised’ are you?

In terms of learning the local language, trying to learn a little bit about the society, history, and culture, you could say I have become Indianised. But I think your childhood remains very influential throughout your life. I left Belgium when I was 17, but I still have a lot of habits that were acquired in childhood.

A Belgian trait that marks you out as not very Indian?

The sense of time, for instance. Indians are pretty relaxed about time, and that is not necessarily a bad thing. But Belgians have a different mindset. In my family, there was a very effortless view of time. If we say, okay, we shall have dinner at 7, then everyone will definitely be there at 7. Indians might wonder why should we have that kind of discipline in the family, that it makes no sense. But it doesn’t feel like discipline — it feels like a kind of coordination mechanism. So yes, I feel this difference in the sense of time in India. There are lots of things like that.

So, despite all these years in India, you have failed miserably in developing an Indian sense of time.

That’s right

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Nepali Organizations condemen Police acction against civil rights activists in India


On Tuesday, August 28, the Pune Police orchestrated house raids and arrests of several civil rights activists and intellectuals in Mumbai, Delhi, Hyderabad, Rachi, Goa and Faridabad. Among the arrested are Sudha Bharadwaj, Gautam Navlakha, Varavara Rao, Vernon Gonsalves and Arun Ferreira. Among those whose homes were raided are Susan Abraham, Kranti Teluka, Father Stan Swamy and Anand Teltumbde. The arrested are being accused of holding “Maoist sympathies” and charged specifically for inciting Dalits last December, when clashes had broke out between Dalits and right-wing groups during the gathering of Maharashtrian Dalits near Pune to mark the 200th anniversary of Koregaon Victory, celebrated as the first battle against caste oppression.

As of now, the Supreme Court of India has intervened to order the arrested be kept at their homes until September 6 following a writ petition submitted by prominent Indian intellectuals against this arbitrary use of arrest. But the case is far from over.

It is outrageous that the Indian government, instead of defending human rights and securing the freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, is cracking down on the very people who have fought for justice in India. The baseless charges and harassments laid on these lawyers, activists and writers who have always stood up for the rights of Dalit and other marginalized groups is effectively an attempt to create a culture of state terror. This is a violation of democratic principles, abuse of police power, as well as a dismissal of Dalit dissent.

These tactics of silencing citizen bodies by targeting innocent public intellectuals and activists who raise critical issues are on the rise in the South Asian nations and beyond. On behalf of the organizations listed below, we staunchly denounce these tactics and we call upon the Indian government to live up to the spirit of the constitution and cease this assault on civil liberties.

We will be watching how the Indian government and the Indian judiciary respond to this crisis in the coming days. As part of Nepali civil society, we recognize that the erosion of democratic values in India has direct repercussions on the protection of our freedoms here in Nepal. These arrests and raids are being widely condemned and we add our voices in solidarity to join everyone who fights for justice and works to safeguard Dalit rights.

The undersigned,

Nepal National Dalit Social Welfare Organization
Feminist Dalit Organization
Samata Foundation
Jagaran Media Center
Center for Dalit Women Nepal
Nepal Picture Library
Chaukath Nepal
LOOM Nepal
QC Bookshop
Satori Center for the Arts

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India – ‘March for Secularism’ from Chennai to Kanayakumari 21st to 30th March #mustshare

The march will involve a caravan physically designed to invoke secular anti-caste, resistive and rationalist traditions of the modern Tamil era and of earlier literary and archaeological sources. A number of progressive student leaders, students’ groups and secular organisations are eager to be a part of this caravan. We are also talking to a large number of well known activists, personalities, from the fields of art and cinema, as well as individual politicians committed to a secular democratic cause from outside of Tamilnadu, who will be able to extend their solidarity.

Starting from Chennai the Caravan would travel around 2400km, across 49 districts and 21 major cities, participating in public gatherings and more than 40 Rallies.The Caravan would stop at around 52 points on its route from Chennai to Kanyakumari.

It will depart from Chennai on March 21st and arrive in Coimbatore on the 24th .There will be a grand public meeting in Coimbatore the same day which will be in solidarity with Bhagat Singh‘s memorial anniversary. This public meeting will take Bhagat Singh’s message (based on his letters prior to his martyrdom) to a wide audience of students and youngsters.

The caravan will then proceed to Madurai, Rajapalayam, Tirunelveli, Rameshwaram and finally to Kanyakumari on the 10th day. All along its route, the caravan will speak to 20,000 students, more than 50,000 struggling workers, farmers in the Cauvery delta region and fishworkers of the south eastern coast, inviting them to rally together against the fascist forces threatening to permanently poison the democratic basis for struggle.

Through continuous pamphleteering, institutional campaigning and targeted public events, the caravan will expressly stand for the protection of and justice for minority communities, for putting an end to their humiliation, and for an alternative progressive agenda of dignified jobs/livelihoods, education and healthcare for all.
A people’s pledge shall be administered on all these points by community leaders and organisers. Tamil Nadu has always been close on the heels of Gujarat and Maharashtra in terms of an alarmingly disproportionate number of Muslim undertrials in prison and detainees in lockups.
Hence, wherever possible, the caravan will make its way to riot hit areas, to areas where the Sangh Parivar or its casteist allies have been trying to leave a mark, reaching out to communities living under pervasive intimidation, State terror or Islamophobic repression.
In solidarity and hope
March for Secularism
Ph. no.: 09384632023, 9444689572

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Accused of hate tweets against Gauri Lankesh, unrepentant

Nikhil Dadhich, Ashish Mishra:

The BJP responded to outrage over the PM following Twitter accounts spewing bile against slain journalist Gauri Lankesh, but the trolls are unrepentant.


While many protests were organised against the murder of senior journalist Gauri Lankesh, Twitter users who put out offensive tweets against Lankesh remain unrepentant.
While many protests were organised against the murder of senior journalist Gauri Lankesh, Twitter users who put out offensive tweets against Lankesh remain unrepentant. (AFP)

“A bitch died a dog’s death and now all the puppies are wailing in the same tune,” said the tweet in Hindi, adding to the nationwide revulsion in the aftermath of senior journalist Gauri Lankesh’s murder.

But Nikhil Dadhich, the man behind the controversial tweet who is followed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the micro-blogging site, is unfazed by the uproar he has triggered. “A doggie had died in my street that day, so I wrote the tweet in reference to that,” the 38-year-old Surat-based textile trader told HT.

A screenshot of Nikhil Dadhich’s tweet against Lankesh.

A torrent of hate tweets that seemed to condone Lankesh’s killing in Bengaluru by unknown assailants on Tuesday night is now a matter of intense debate. The fact that Prime Minister Narendra Modi follows Dadhich and three others spewing ‘hatred’ on Twitter has fuelled the row further. Modi, incidentally, follows 1,779 people on Twitter.

But like Dadhich who came to Gujarat from his native Rajasthan some 15 years ago to set up a business, Ashish Mishra is unrepentant. Also followed by Modi, Pune-based Mishra had tweeted shortly after Lankesh’s killing : ’Jaisai Karni, Vaisi Bharni (as you sow, so shall you reap). “I didn’t say anything wrong. She (Lankesh) was with the anti-nationals of JNU, with the azadi gang of Kashmir,” the computer science graduate from IIT Bombay insisted.

Stung by the uproar the tweets sparked, the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) has said the prime minister followed a cross-section of people on Twitter and that his ‘following’ handles did not mean a character certificate for those being followed.

A screenshot of Ashish Mishra’s tweet against Gauri Lankesh.

But Dadhich and Mishra are thrilled to be followed by the prime minister. Both are also die-hard Modi fans. “I was inspired by Modi who was very active on social media. I wanted to tell people about how he was working for the development of Gujarat,” said Dadhich who was followed by the prime minister in 2015. He said the prime minister did nothing wrong in following him. “He can’t check everyone’s background before following them. Is Modiji responsible for everything bad that happens in this country?”

Mishra has 17,000 Twitter followers and reiterated his faith in the prime minister. “I had a lot of angst against parties like the Congress and Samajwadi Party that only appeased the minorities. I used to feel that no one cares about the Hindus,” he said. Incidentally, there is speculation that Lankesh could have been killed by a right-wing outfit because of her strident anti-Hindutva views.

Rita Gupta, whose Twitter handle is @RitaG74, is a former All India Radio presenter living in Delhi. She is followed by 12,000 people, including the prime minister. After Lankesh was dead, her tweet said: “For those who don’t know Gauri Lankesh a brief introduction – Leftist, naxal sympathiser, anti-establishment, anti-Hindu”. For Gupta though, her tweet was only to change the current narrative that “conservatives are bad and liberals are good”.

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PUDR Fact Finding on Zoha Bibi’s Case , domestic worker , Noida



PUDR investigated the aftermath of July 12, 2017, when Zohra Bibi, a domestic worker in Noida’s Mahagun Moderne, was severely beaten up and later went missing from her employer’s flat after allegations of theft were leveled against her. Subsequently, the local police, administration, Resident Welfare Association, as well as the MP and BJP minister Mahesh Sharma have been complicit in unleashing the combined might of the state machinery and the wrath of upper class residents in the violence, detention and deprivation of livelihoods of the protesting workers.

On the morning of July 12, Zohra Bibi’s husband and other domestic workers gathered at Mahagun Moderne to ascertain her whereabouts after she did not return home the previous day. As Zohra was physically dragged to the gates by security guards, exhibiting clear signs of assault, the crowd spontaneously broke into a protest against Zohra’s harassment from the residents.

Instead of acting on Zohra’s FIR against her employers, the police participated in the series of stringent retaliatory actions by the residents against the protestors. Acting on two FIRs lodged by the residents of Mahagun Moderne, the police conducted a midnight raid in the locality and detained 58 persons and arrested 13 on charges of vandalism. Zohra’s minor  has also need detained without cause,  in violation of the Juvenile Justice Act. The workers have further been charged not under rioting, but under S.307, IPC on the claim of attempt to murder, leading to a denial of bail for the 13 arrested workers at the Surajpur District Court. Subsequently, they have been sent to judicial custody in Kasna Jail. News reports clarify that SP Noida, Arun Kumar Singh has reportedly said that no resident of Moderne Society was injured in the mob violence and that none of the FIRs mention any attempts at physical attacks.

From July 13 onwards, the RWA started banning the entry of maids into the society, and also blacklisted 143 domestic workers to prevent them from finding employment in other societies in the area. Identifying them as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, the residents also petitioned the Noida authority against the ‘encroachments’ of the workers’ shops and houses- bare shanties with no potable water or electricity. This, despite the fact that the workers are from West Bengal’s Cooch Bihar, Malda and Jalpaiguri, and have valid voter IDs and Aadhar cards. Showing uncharacteristic promptness, on July 17, the Noida authority demolished three dozen such shops in pouring rain and without prior notice while they were all away at work in the morning. Such communal charges are not new as several slum demolitions have been carried out in Delhi after charges of “Bangladeshi” were made against Bengali Muslim migrants, such as in Yamuna Pushta in 2000, or even earlier, in 1981 in New Seemapuri.

The unceasing retaliation by the residents of Mahagun Moderne in complicity with the state has destroyed the workers’ livelihoods, caused their arrest on false charges, and has created an atmosphere of terror. These actions must be understood against a persisting context of the exploitation and harassment of domestic workers.

Zohra Bibi’s troubles began when she asked for her back wages and was instead accused of theft. Exploitation and withholding of pay is a common strategy that employers deploy as there are no laws that protect the rights of domestic workers. The National Policy for Domestic Workers which proposes a minimum wage of 9000/-, compulsory leave for fifteen days, maternity leave, right to education and safe environment, is only a draft policy, as of now.

According to official data, there are four million domestic workers across the country who live at the mercy of their employers and harassments begin even before they start work as they are expected to undergo police verification to confirm their credibility. In gated communities, such workers are further frisked by security guards to confirm that they are not thieves. Across homes, domestic workers are not allowed to use elevators meant for residents, use the toilets or utensils on account of casteist notions of purity and pollution.

Over 600 workers reportedly work at Mahagun Moderne and, following the July incidents, residents are demanding fresh verifications and tighter security tests. Significantly, in 2014, the Ministry of Women and Child Development released country-wide data regarding violence against domestic workers. There were 3564 cases reported in 2012 as against 3517 similar cases in 2011 ( PrintRelease.aspx?relid=103336 ). Such data only form the tip of the proverbial iceberg as large cases of violence and harassment go unreported. In the absence of any law, domestic workers cannot approach the labour court in case of dispute as, technically, they are not defined as ‘workers’.

Today, the pattern of blacklisting workers is meant to increases the fears and vulnerabilities of domestic workers in a bid to make them docile. The real issue is that the workers have no right to protest, express their anger or demand their rights without facing attacks from Moderne India.

We demand:

1)    Immediate action be taken on Zohra’s FIR against the residents of Mahagun Moderne.

2)    The police should return Zohra’s prescription, given to her after her medical examination.

3)    All those detained and arrested be granted bail and released immediately.

4)    Charges levied on the protesting workers under S.307, IPC on attempt to murder be revoked.

5)    The “blacklist” of domestic workers be withdrawn.

6)    All domestic workers at Mahagun Moderne, including Zohra, be paid their back wages as well as current wages withheld since they were blacklisted.

7)    Compensation be paid to all families whose shops were demolished.


Anushka Singh and Cijo Joy



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WSS Statement on Sukma Blasts which killed 12 CRPF men

WSS condemns the IED blast in Sukma on 11.3.2017 in which 12 CRPF personnel lost their lives and several others, including members of a road-construction crew, were injured. We express our condolences to the families of the deceased. 

We are concerned that this incident will further fuel the cycle of pointless violence in which the entire Adivasi community is made to pay the price for the violent acts of others. Our experience shows that such attacks are followed by violent reprisals against the community in surrounding villages, through random arrests, forced “surrenders” and illegal detentions. Such responses, and the rhetoric of “revenge for the blood of martyrs” that is used to justify them, only deepens the alienation and exclusion of Adivasi villagers.  


We hope that the state government will continue with efforts to restore the rule of law and regain public confidence, signalled by the shake-up in the police and administration in Bastar. But this is only a first step – the situation on the ground continues largely unchanged. We have a long way to go in combating the mindset that labels all Adivasis and human rights defenders and journalists questioning state violence as “Maoist supporters”, thereby legitimising the harassment and violation to which they are subjected.

We reiterate our stand that militarisation is not the answer to the present situation. The lives of combatants on both sides, and uncounted adivasi villagers continue to be lost in this war. Nothing can justify the bloodshed and loss of human lives and the destruction of the land and forests where this war is being fought.

WSS (Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression) is a non funded, nationwide network of women from diverse political and social movements comprising of women’s organizations, mass organizations, civil liberty organizations, student and youth organizations, mass movements and individuals. For more information, please see

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PUCL statement on the killing of 3 women in IED Blast in Narayanpur


The Chhattisgarh PUCL has come to know from police releases that 3 women including a 15 year old girl from Tumnar Village under Narayanpur police station have been killed in an explosion of IED device planted by Maoists. The Chhattisgarh PUCL expresses its deep grief at these killings. The Chhattisgarh PUCL condemns land mining by the Maoists which causes extreme hazard to life and limb of non combatant tribal villagers carrying out their normal life activities in the region. It reiterates its demand that in order to protect non-combatant civilians in this war zone, the Government of India should declare a state of internal armed conflict and allow strict independent monitoring under the Geneva Protocol of human rights violations by both parties to the conflict. Since there is also news that a jawan has been critically injured in an encounter with Maoists, thus the exact details of events have yet to be independently established.

Even earlier in the month of March 2016 the Chhattisgarh PUCL had issued a statement on the killing of a 55 year old woman Muchaki Hidme, resident of Village Gorkha, due to an IED blast on 18th March 2016. The incident had taken place on a ‘kuchha’ track used by the security forces during patrolling, near Kottacheru village under Bhejji police station limits according to then Sukma Superintendent of Police D Shrawan. A day earlier an 8 year old girl child Muchaki Anita, resident of Kanhaiguda village under Bhejji police station had also lost her life to an IED blast. Similarly two labourers were killed on 6th March at around 9:30 am at Amdai Ghati (valley) under Chhote Dongar police station limits. Superintendent of Police Narayanpur Abhishek Meena had told PTI that Maoists detonated a powerful IED when a joint team of district police and the Chhattisgarh Armed Force (CAF) was escorting a group of labourers through the valley and this was followed by a gun-battle, lasting for about two hours, after which the Maoists fled. On26th November 2013, the Chhattisgarh PUCL had written to the NHRC for directions to restrain the practice of using civilians for demining operations or as “police sahyogi” in land mined areas.

The Chhattisgarh PUCL takes exception to the manner in which Bastar IG Mr Kalluri has utilized the tragic incident of killing of 3 women in an IED blast by the Maoists to issue a threat “to legal aid groups, fact finding teams and so called human rights activists”. The PUCL has always had a clear policy that they do not support violence. However this does not mean that fact finding teams or human rights activists cannot enquire into incidents of encounters, sexual violence or arson particularly when alleged by villagers as atrocities by the security forces and confirmed by statutory institutions like the National Human Rights Commission, the Central Bureau of Investigation and the National SC ST Commission.

We are also disappointed that IG Mr Kalluri, despite being so active in Bastar, has given health reasons for not attending the hearing by the NHRC on 30th January 2017. The police must give adequate respect to statutory national human rights institutions, and abide their directions, not just in letter but also spirit.


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India – The sterilisation skew #healthcare

A public awareness campaign with banners about ‘Vasectomy week’. — Photo: Special Arrangement   | Photo Credit: Special ArrangementA fortnight after the national ‘Vasectomy Fortnight’, the Telangana experience reveals the gap in India’s family planning programme

Sterilisation is simpler in men than women — recovery time and surgical risk are smaller, complications are rare and deaths rarer. Yet, as the national ‘Vasectomy Fortnight’ came to end earlier this month, the writing on the wall is clear: men are unwilling to share the burden of birth control.

The government observed ‘Vasectomy Fortnight’ between November 21 and December 4 with the hope to create awareness about male sterilisation and, more importantly, to facilitate district administrations reach sterilisation targets through campaigns. Of the 40 lakh sterilisation procedures done in 2014-15, vasectomies accounted for minuscule 1.9 per cent.

Experiments in the country’s youngest State, Telangana, reveal the sterilisation gap in India’s family planning programme. This fortnight, five men walked into the vasectomy camp in Ranga Reddy, a district adjoining Telangana’s capital Hyderabad with a 25 lakh population. The district administration managed to convince them to opt for the procedure. A second camp on December 8 found no takers and officials have renewed efforts to draw more men before the end of the financial year. With an annual target of 2,500 vasectomies this year — the district’s count stands at 5. Last year’s numbers only seem marginally better with 37 men undergoing the procedure. The State paid them Rs.1,100 each for undergoing sterilisation while the 24,000 women who underwent sterilisation were paid Rs.880 per person.

Counselling the key

Vigorous campaigning, efficient counselling and post-operative services as well as education are real differentiators,” says Renu Kapoor of the Family Planning Association of India. She pegs the lack of willingness to share the burden of contraception on a misplaced sense of masculinity.

“Men who avail vasectomies at our centres are educated and from organised work sectors. They do not require much counselling but have queries. They have heard of it from other men,” Dr. Kapoor says. She stressed the importance of counselling in understanding the strong likelihood of pregnancy for three months after the procedure. Her observations suggest most men from middle- and higher-income groups who decide to undergo vasectomy arrive with their partners for counselling and the procedure; most women who opt for sterilisation, mainly from low-income groups, seek counsel of other women.

India’s total fertility rate of 2.3 is expected to sink below 2 within the next decade. Telangana’s fertility rate reached replacement levels before the State came into being in 2014 — “replacement level fertility” is when the total fertility rate, i.e. the average number of children born per woman is the same as the dying population, implying that the population exactly replaces itself from one generation to the next. The third round of National Family Health Survey (NFHS) done a decade ago established that undivided Andhra Pradesh had recorded fertility rate of 1.8.

The latest survey in 2015 affirmed Telangana’s fertility rate stood at 1.8 births per woman. “For men, concerns of losing sexual potency and physical vigour make them unwilling to discuss vasectomy,” says Harish Chandra Reddy, health official in Ranga Reddy district. “A small number of unintended pregnancies and a few unfavourable post-vasectomy fallouts seem to have thrown it out of the reckoning.”

Experts maintain that the gap between vasectomy targets and achievements remain unchanged over the years even as country’s fertility and birth rates continue to fall, driven mainly by female sterilisation.

Tubectomies still the norm

Despite aggressive promotional campaigns over the last decade, only a small proportion of couples use State-distributed condoms (0.5 per cent in 7,786 Telangana households surveyed in 2015), oral contraceptives (0.3 per cent), intra-uterine devices (0.3 per cent) and male sterilisation to prevent birth. Of the 77,000 sterilisation procedures performed in the State’s public health sector till October 2016, only 1,287 or 1.6 per cent were vasectomies. In the two years since Telangana’s creation, vasectomies as a percentage of total sterilisations stood at 3 per cent, unchanged over the last decade. The State’s health administration, under no pressure to reach targets given that Telangana has achieved replacement level fertility, aims to perform around two lakh sterilisations this year. If last year’s numbers are any indication, one lakh more Telangana women will undergo sterilisation in the next three months.

An analysis of family health data published in 2012 reveals that up to 5 per cent women who underwent sterilisation before 2006 regret doing so, either because they feel they were too young at the time or because they opted for it without having any sons. The study noted that in States with lowest fertility rates, including undivided Andhra Pradesh, the median age of women being sterilised was around 23.

“Lack of gender equality, vulnerability of women and early marriages makes them agreeable to mass sterilisation programmes,” says women’s rights activist Rukmini Rao. “In rural India, women are against their husbands undergoing vasectomies fearing it may rob the family of its means of earnings and cast aspersions on them should pregnancy ensue after vasectomy.”

Women’s rights activists across the country had discussed and commented on the National Policy for Women when the government introduced the draft in May. Among other things, the policy envisages shifting focus of the country’s family planning programme to male sterilisations but those like Dr. Rao who participated in the discussions remain highly sceptical. She believes sterilisation should be the last option of birth control.

Related posts

Condemn the Fake Encounter of Com. Kuppu Devaraj, Central Committee Member, CPI (M), Incharge WGSGZ, Com. Ajitha, State Committee Member in Nilambur Forest, Kerala



Press Release

29 November 2016

Ø  Demand re-postmortem of the dead bodies of the deceased.

Ø  Demand judicial inquiry by a Supreme Court Sitting or Retired Judge

Ø  Release Com. Soman and Adivasis, if any in illegal police custody

Ø  Release MN Ravuni (78), the veteran Revolutionary Mass leader

Ø  Appeal to the people and democratic organization and individuals to raise their voice in solidarity

Com. Kuppu Devraj (60) also known as Yogesh, Central Committee Member and Incharge of CPI (Maoist) Western Ghats Special Guerilla Zone, comprising the forest regions of Kerala, Karnataka and Tamilnadu and Com. Ajitha (45) a State Committee Member of this region are killed in a fake encounter in the early morning hours of 23rd November, 2016 Thursday in Nilambur Forest of Mallapuram district, Kerala.

Earlier to that the Kerala police involved in ‘Thunderbolt Operation’ meant to physically eradicate the Adivasis and Maoists in the Western Ghats for the vested interests of Multi-national and domestic companies in the country, cordoned the forest area for eighteen hours and did not allow any movement of the local people including the media persons into the forest. The incharge police officer for the Thunderbolt Operation falsely said that the police did not allow the media persons only to caution them that there would be land mines planted by the Maoists surrounding their camp.

The fact is that these two leaders of CPI (Maoist) who were suffering from serious health problems and were unarmed. According to the local people they were taking shelter in the Adivasi region and were caught and killed in cold blood. Later, the dead bodies were brought and thrown out in the spot where an incident of fake encounter was enacted. The people in surrounding areas told the media persons that they had not heard any exchange fire of gunshots in the preceding night. Even the police did not claim any injury being caused to any police personnel engaged in the so-called encounter. Where as in government medical college hospital, Kozikode 19 bullets were found in Devaraj’s body and seven in Ajitha’s body.

There are unconfirmed contradictory reports that Com. Soman, local CPI Maoist leader from Vynadu is injured and has been in police custody. But the police have been denying and stating that 11 CPI Maoist Guerillas have escaped and combing operations have been continuing in the region in full swing.

The dead bodies of Kuppu Devraj and Ajitha were shifted to Government Medical College hospital, Kozikode (Calicut) and the police claim that the postmortem has been conducted and bodies have been preserved in the mortuary till Monday, 28th November 2016. This means that means NHRC guidelines have not been complied with and the recent Supreme Court Judgment regarding the encounter killings also not followed. The photos of the dead bodies were not published in two National newspapers as per the legal requirement, except that of Devraj along with a press release from the police. The families were not informed. The dead bodies were not shown to the mother, brother and sister of Devraj and uncle of Ajitha who reached Kozikode on 25th November. Instead, the police lathi-charged and arrested twenty members of the human rights organization (Janakeeya Manushyavakasha Prasthanam) and Porattam, and threatened the relatives of deceased to leave the place. As the number of the protesters was kept on increasing, the police were forced to release the JMP activists but shifted Com. M.N. Ravunuri, Veteran revolutionary mass leader of Porattam and Vice President, Committee for Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP) to another police station.

Com. M.N. Ravunuri is 78 and one of the senior members of undivided Communist party of India in Madras Province in 1950s and a public advocate of the path of Naxalbari.

Ammini, aged mother of Kuppu Devarajan, Babu, his brother and sisters who have been waiting for the last four days in premises of the GMC Hospital, Kozikode have been demanding for re-postmortem of the bodies and the advocates of CRPP and JMP are supporting their demand and have filled a petition in sessions court of Kozikode which will be heard on 29th of November, Tuesday. The court ordered the preservation of dead bodies in mortuary of GMC Hospital, Kozikode till the petition is disposed.

The Kerala State Human Rights Commission asked the Chief of the state police to conduct probe into the matter and submit a report within two weeks. A member of the State Human Rights Commission, K. Mohan Kumar said that the mystery surrounding the incident should be unraveled. The order came on the basis of a complaint by an activist, P.K. Raju who stated that the police have not been able to furnish a credible explanation on the killings even two days after the encounter.

The Chief of State Police ordered a probe to be conducted by the Crime Branch of State. Such an enquiry cannot clear the doubts of fake encounter since it involves the ‘Operation Thunderbolt’ and anti-Maoist programme of three states, i.e. Kerala, Karnataka and Tamilnadu and the Central government, to serve the vested interest of mining and private industries of MNC’s and big bourgeoisie. We demand a judicial enquiry by the sitting or retired judge of Supreme Court into this fake encounter.

The Chief Minister’s office issued a note that the Chief Minister Pinaraya Vijayan has ordered a magisterial inquiry into the encounter and asked the sub collector to conduct the inquiry. The Chief Minister has also referred the case to be registered in connection with the ‘encounter killing’ to the Crime Branch for further probe.

Mani, the minister for electricity in Kerala state govt. was suggesting that since Maoists are not Communists as they indulge in mindless violence and extortion, they deserve encounter killings and tried to escape from the responsibility saying that a magisterial inquiry is already ordered and therefore he would not comment on the ‘Encounter’.

The situation in Kerala is sharply in contrast with the contemporary scenario in Chhattisgarh where the State Secretary of CPI (M) is implicated in a murder case along with Professors Nandini Sunder and Archana Prasad from Delhi.  The allegation Chhattisgarh is that the Maoists had killed an Adivasi who was of a stooge and informer of the police. Here the CPI (M) Govt. is continuing the Operation Thunderbolt, part of Operation Green Hunt of the erstwhile Congress Government at the Centre, while the code name changed to Mission 2016 for  the present Modi’s Hinduthva government. Code names proliferate, but all are the same Operation Green Hunt. In dealing with Adivasis, Dalits and Muslims the policies of political parties in governments are one and same is proved once again in Nilambur encounter.

Now the shoot at sight orders in Western Ghats continue to extend everlastingly. In Western Ghats it is the second major encounter after Com. Saketh Rajan in 2005 and it might be considered the second major encounter in Kerala after Com. Vergheese being killed in ‘encounter’ in 1969.

Vijaya Kumar, former CRPF Chief and the security advisor on the Maoist movement to Govt. of India, claimed in Chennai that it was a great achievement to the state and a big bolt to CPI Maoist. It seems his direction and the role of the Q branch of TN state police  cannot be ruled out in this Thunderbolt Operation. This will be the second direct involvement of Vijay Kumar after the assassination of Kishanji in Jangalmahal, West Bengal.

This is perhaps the first major fake encounter in Kerala under CPI (M) government. That’s why even the left front partner CPI is condemning it as a fake encounter and demanding judicial enquiry. The CPI State secretary Kanam Rajendran and state leaders in Kerala are critical of police action and had made it clear that the CPI did not approve of Kerala being turned into a land where Maoists are being hunted down.

The leader of opposition, Ramesh Chennithala of Congress Party came out against magisterial and Crime Branch enquiries terming them grossly inadequate to bring out the truth. “The Crime Branch inquiry would be particularly futile as the killing had been carried out by another wing of State Police. Only a fair inquiry would convince the people about the veracity or the claims of the police. Therefore, there must be an inquiry by a sitting or retired judge of the High Court” Mr. Chennathala noted. Though this statement reflects the changing of colours and positions of parliamentary parties while in and out of power, it should go on record for as posterity of history demands.

Com. Kuppu Devraj is born in Krishnagiri of Tamilnadu but his revolutionary political activity is all through in Karnataka, till he took the responsibility of Western Ghats Special Guerilla Zone. Devaraj is an engineering graduate with an intellectual of high caliber and is well versed in Tamil, Kannada, Malayalam, Telugu and English languages.

He was a performing cultural activist and served as an executive member of All India League for Revolutionary Culture (AILRC) in the later years of 1980s. After one term in AILRC, he had gone underground and became the Secretary of CPI (ML) PW, Karnataka and rose to the Central Committee, CPI-Maoist after the merger its with MCCI in 2004. He is senior to martyr Com. Saketh Rajan and junior to Cherukuri Raja Kumar in Karnataka state committee of CPI-Maoist party during last four decades.

Com. Ajitha daughter of late Parandhaman, who was retired officer with Indian Railways, joined the revolutionary mass movement in 1980s and organized the women liberation movement. She also fought for democratic rights as an advocate in Chennai. Later, she went underground and has become part of the revolutionary struggle in Western Ghats.

In spite of her failing eyesight and deteriorating health Ajitha withstood the ordeal of an underground life in the midst of Adivasis and Dalits. Kuppu Devaraj and Ajitha were born into Dalit families and imbibed revolutionary class consciousness and served the exploited toiling masses of this country.

RDF joins with the people paying homage to these two comrades Kuppa Devaraj and Ajitha and demands for re-postmortem of dead bodies and judicial inquiry into the encounter, and for punishing the officials involved in this operation. RDF appeals to the democrats and all the people’s organisation to stand in solidarity.


Varavara Rao


Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF)


29th November, 2016

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राष्ट्रीय सेक्यूलर मंच द्वारा धार जिले के दंगा प्रभावित क्षेत्रों की रपट


भोपाल: 28 अक्टूबर 2016: राष्ट्रीय सेक्यूलर मंच के चार सदस्यीय-टीम द्वारा धार जिले के दंगा प्रभावित क्षेत्र का दिनांक 26 अक्टूबर 2016 को भ्रमण किया गया। यहां दिनांक 12 अक्टूबर, 2016 को सांप्रदायिक हिंसा हुई थी।

टीम ने पीपल्या व गंधवानी के दंगापीड़ितों और प्रत्यक्षदर्शियों से बात की और घटना स्थलों का मुआयना किया। प्रभावितों द्वारा टीम के सदस्यों को घटनाक्रम के बारे में विस्तार से बताया गया। टीम में एल.एस. हरदेनिया, साजिद कुरैशी, अनिल धीमान एवं तौकीर निज़ामी शामिल थे।

पीपल्या में पीड़ितों ने बताया कि वहां उपद्रवियों द्वारा लगभग 25 मकानों और 5 दुकानों में आगजनी व लूटपाट की गई, लोगों के साथ मारपीट और महिलाओं के साथ बदसलूकी भी हुई। घटनास्थल को देखकर ऐसा लग रहा था कि जैसे वहां किसी आक्रमणकारी सेना ने हमला किया हो। वहां घरों में टी.वी., फ्रिज, गैस चूल्हा, अलमारी,निकट भविष्य में होने वाली शादियों के लिए रखे गये जेवरात, कपड़े, बर्तन, अनाज आदि को या तो जला दिया गया या लूट लिया गया। अनेक वाहनों, जिनमें मोटर साइकिल, जीप, ट्रेक्टर, लोडिंग ऑटो, ट्रक आदि शामिल थे, को भी आग के हवाले कर दिया गया। उपद्रवियों द्वारा कई घरों में रखे धार्मिक ग्रंथ कुरान शरीफ को भी जलाया गया। गांव की मस्जिद में भी आगजनी की गई और वहां रखे गये धार्मिक ग्रंथों ‘सिपारों’ को जला दिया गया और पंखे,माइक, लाइट आदि को तोड़ा गया। मीनार पर चढ़ कर अज़ान देने के लिए उपयोग आने वाले लाउडस्पीकर को भी निशाना बनाया गया। मोहर्रम पर मुस्लिम धर्मावलंबियों के ताजियों के साथ तोड़फोड़ की गई और उन्हें जलाया गया।

पीड़ितों ने टीम को बताया कि 12 अक्टूबर, 2016 को शाम 7.30 बजे जब भीड़ द्वारा हिंसा की तैयारी की जा रही थी तब तत्कालीन एस.डी.एम. घटनास्थल पर मौजूद थे लेकिन आगजनी शुरू होते ही वे घटना स्थल छोड़कर खाना खाने चले गये। अगर वे स्थिति को देखते हुए वहां रुके रहते और पुलिस बल को बुला लिया जाता तो घटना रुक सकती थी।

गांव वालों द्वारा बताया गया कि वहां डॉक्टर राधेश्याम पाटीदार ने अपने मकान पर स्थायी रुप से सायरन लगाया हुआ है, जिसकी आवाज आसपास के दूसरे गांवों तक भी जाती है। सायरन का इस्तेमाल लम्बे समय से भीड़ को इकट्ठा करने और उकसाने के लिए किया जाता है। अगर एक बार सायरन बजता है तो इसका मतलब है कि साधारण रुप से एकत्रित होना है। दो बार सायरन बजने का मतलब किसी गंभीर गतिविधि के लिए एकत्रित होना है। अगर सायरन तीन बार बजे तो इसका मतलब है कि तैयारी के साथ इकट्ठा होना है।

पीड़ितों ने बताया कि जिन लोगों के साथ हिंसा और आगजनी हुई, पुलिस द्वारा उनमें से ही 13 लोगों पर कई धाराओं में प्रकरण दर्ज कर लिए गए हैं जबकि आगजनी और लूटपाट करने वालों में से अनेकों की अभी तक गिरफ्तारी तक नहीं हुई है।

टीम ने वहां जा कर महसूस किया कि घटना के बाद से वहां भय का माहौल है और प्रशासन द्वारा इसे दूर करने का कोई प्रयास नहीं किया जा रहा है और ना ही इस दौरान हुए नुकसान का आंकलन किया गया है। क्षतिग्रस्त मकान और मस्जिद अभी भी उसी अवस्था में हैं। किसी भी पीड़ित को अभी तक कोई मुआवजा नहीं दिया गया है। प्रशासन द्वारा अभी तक मस्जिद की पवित्रता को कायम करने का भी कोई प्रयास नही किया गया है।

गंधवानी के पीड़ितों ने टीम को बताया कि यहां एक विवादित स्थल है जिस पर पूर्व में दोनों वर्गो के दुकानदारों द्वारा अतिक्रमण कर लिया गया था। विवाद बढ़ने पर विगत् वर्ष स्थानीय प्रशासन द्वारा वहां पुलिस चैकी की स्थापना की गई थी। स्थानीय प्रशासन द्वारा गणेशचतुर्थी, दुर्गा पूजा एवं मोहर्रम के अवसर पर एस.डी.एम. और एस.डी.ओ.पी के नेतृत्व में शांति समिति की बैठक का आयोजन किया गया था जिसमें तय किया गया था कि उक्त विवादित स्थल पर किसी धार्मिक गतिविधि का आयोजन नहीं किया जायेगा। लेकिन पुलिस पर दबाव डाल कर वहां गणेश प्रतिमा एवं दुर्गा प्रतिमा की स्थापना कर दी गई। दुर्गा प्रतिमा विसर्जन के बाद मोहर्रम का जुलूस उपरोक्त स्थान से निकल रहा था तब दोनों पक्षों में तनाव हो गया और बाद में यह पथराव और आगजनी में तब्दील हो गया। इस दौरान मुसलमानों की लगभग 14 दुकानों में आगजनी और लूटपाट की गई। गंधवानी कस्बा लगातार तीन दिनों तक असामाजिक तत्वों के हवाले रहा। घटना के बाद अब वहां मुस्लिम समुदाय का बहिष्कार शुरू हो गया है और लगभग 35 मुस्लिम दुकानदारों से, जो अपनी दुकानें हिन्दुओं के भवनों में किराये से चला रहे थे, दुकानें खाली करा ली गई हैं।

विशेष:- पीपल्या में जहां आगजनी हुई है वहां मुस्लिम परिवारों के बीच एक मंदिर है जिसे कोई नुकसान नही पहुंचा है और यह अपनी पवित्रता के साथ सुरक्षित है।

हमारी मांगें

  • पीड़ित परिवारों को यथेष्ठ राहत दी जाए। उनके क्षतिग्रस्त मकानों का पुनर्निर्माण कराया जाये और जिन लोगों की दुकानें जलायीं/लूटी गई हैं उन्हें आर्थिक सहायता दी जाए।
  • पीपल्या मस्जिद की तुरंत मरम्मत कर उसे पूर्व की स्थिति में लाया जाए।
  • सभी प्रभावित परिवारों के लिए प्राथमिकता के तौर पर कम से कम तीन माह के राशन की व्यवस्था की जाए।
  • पीड़ितों द्वारा बताया गया है कि उपद्रवियों पर सिर्फ आगजनी की धारा लगायी गई है। हमारी मांग है कि उन पर लूटपाट की धारा भी लगायी जाए और लूटी गई संपत्ति को बरामद किया जाए।
  • घायल लोगों को इलाज के लिए सहायता उपलब्ध करायी जाए।
  • जिन पीड़ित परिवारों के शादी के लिए एकत्रित किये गये कपड़े, गहनें, जेवरात आदि या तो जला दिये गये हैं या लूट लिए गये हैं, ऐसे परिवारों की लड़कियों के शादी हेतु विशेष आर्थिक सहायता उपलब्ध करायी जाए।
  • साम्प्रदायिक हिंसा से प्रभावित परिवारों के बच्चों की मनोदशा को सुधारने हेतु उनकी काउंसलिंग की व्यवस्था की जाए।
  • धार संवेदनशील जिला है जहां साम्प्रदायिक घटनाएं बढ़ती जा रही है इस स्थिति को देखते हुए वहां जिम्मेदार पुलिस और प्रशासनिक अधिकारियों की तैनाती की जाए।
  • पीड़ितों द्वारा बताया गया है कि घटना क्रम पूर्वनियोजित था इसलिए इसकी प्रशासनिक जांच करायी जाए जिससे यह पता लगाया जा सके कि इसके पीछे कौन से संगठन और व्यक्ति थे
  • पीड़ित व्यक्तियों द्वारा इस घटना में शामिल ऐसे लोगों के नाम बताये गये हैं जो पहले भी इस तरह की घटनाओं में शामिल रहे हैं, उन्हें चिन्हित किया जाये और उन पर रासुका लगाई जाए।
  • पाटीदार के मकान पर लगा सायरन तुरंत हटाया जाए।

भवदीयः- एल.एस. हरदेनिया (9425301582), साजिद कुरैशी (9425004363), अनिल धीमान (9893809950), तौकीर निजामी (9755990081)

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