The Muzaffarnagar riots of 2013 had left around 75000 people displaced from their homes A 2016 report –Living Apart: Communal Violence and Forced Displacement in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli– based on detailed ground research, found an estimated 50,000 still scattered all over Muzaffarnagar, Shamli, and other districts, of which nearly 30,000 victims were in IDP (internally displaced people) colonies, never able to return home, dealing with traumas from loss of lives, homes, histories, schools, friends, livelihoods and neighbours. Of these, 270 families (approximately 2000 people) settled in Kairana Town.

The NHRC report on Kairana released on the 21st of September 2016 has blatantly and without credible proof claimed that a population of no less than 25000-30000 from the Muzaffarnagar survivors have settled in Kairana town. This allegation is not just false but seems politically motivated to polarise communities. The repercussions of such allegations could be disastrous to efforts of rehabilitation. The report also skews a biased, non-objective view of the situation in Kairana. In light of this report, we would once again try to present a more holistic and nuanced view regarding the Kairana issue where we have covered almost 260 families in the regions of Kairana and Kandhla.

Allegations of almost 346 Hindu families fleeing Kairana village in Uttar Pradesh out of fear of violence by the majority Muslim community were made by BJP MP Mr Hukum Singh in early June this year. There have been since, a resounding of the sentiment, that the Hindu community in India is at threat. The list of allegations made by Mr Hukum Singh is as enlisted below:

  • 347 Hindu families were forced to migrate from Kairana and 63 families from Kandhla due to violence and threats from the majority Muslim community in the village.
  • There are criminal elements from the Muslim community who target Hindu individuals and are involved in extortion and other types of violence.
  • The law and order situation under the present SP government is worsening by the day.
  • Crimes against women, especially Hindu women and girls are on the rise, the majority of the culprits being from the Muslim community.
  • The UP government and the law enforcement agencies are not taking any action against these criminal elements in Kairana.
  • The Hindu community in Kairana in under threat.
  • The UP government and the law enforcement agencies are not taking any action against these criminal elements in Kairana.

Fact finding team:

In the light of developments that took place in Kairana and surrounding the issue, Centre for Study of Society and Secularism conducted a Fact Finding to bring nuance to the issue of Kairana and to unearth the truth. The fact finding team comprised of

  1. Akram Akhtar Choudhary ( Afkar India Foundation, Shamli)
  2. Advocate Deepak Sharma
  3. Advocate Naseem Ahmad
  4. Nadeem and Vishal (Afkar India Foundation, Shamli)

About Kairana (Review of Census 2011)

Kairana is a Tehsil in the district Shamli, Uttar Pradesh, Bordering Harayana which is spread across 231.67 Km2 in rural and 7.11 Km2 in Urban. The jurisdiction of Kairana covers 28126 households and a population of 177121 people in rural areas. It also covers 13952 households with 89000 people in urban. Kairana is located approximately 100 kilometers from the national capital of Delhi, and about 30 kilometers from the city of Panipat. The population of Kairana is around 2 lakhs, 80.74% of whom belong to the Muslim community. The Hindu community which comprises 19.26% of the population are numerically dominated by Dalit populations. There are also Upper castes such as Vaishya, Jain and Brahmin communities that are in control of most of the material resources and social capital. Caste however is spread across both religions and the control and dominance of the upper castes exist is palpable.

Kairana is adjoining the river Yamuna, leading to fertile lands across the region. However, the land is concentrated in the hands of influential castes and classes in Kairana, leaving almost 80% of the population to work in other occupations such as agricultural labourers, household industrial workers etc. In matters of Industry and production, the village lags behind which eventually translates into less working opportunities for the population. Due to the lack of working opportunities, it can be seen that almost 1 lakh people from the Kairana-Kangla-Muzaffarnagar belt have shifted to and settled in the nearby city of Panipat. Apart from the people who have shifted to Panipat, there are around 5000 people who travel to Panipat on a daily basis in search of employment and working opportunities. Due to the large influx of labour into Panipat from the Kairana-Kangla-Muzaffarnagar belt, the industries, especially the handloom industry has become highly dependent on this work force to keep the production running. An instance of their dependence was clearly visible during the Ayodhya (Babri Masjid-Ram Mandir controversy) riots. When the Muslim workers fled from Panipat during the riots fearing violence, the handloom industry of Panipat came to a halt.

The realities of Kairana on lines of caste and religion are not mutually exclusive. The villages surrounding Kairana are mostly comprised of the Gurjar caste in both Hindus and Muslims. There is a caste solidarity that people follow on the basis of belonging to the same “Gotra”. There are however restrictions on inter-dining and endogamy which are followed by both the Hindu and Muslim Gurjar communities, they maintain their solidarity to being of the same caste.

Economic conditions in kairana and Employment

The economic conditions of Kairana can be partly studied by the census data and also with the findings on the field. Depicted below in the form of tables is borrowed from the Census of India 2011:

Kairana Rural

CategoryTotal PopulationMaleFemale
Age 0-6 years320631729614767
SC population938950554334
ST population663927
Literate (Rural)89019450095403
Total workers50412450095403
Main Workers42549395532996
Agricultural Labourers (AL)14593134871106
Household Industrial Workers( HIW)726534192
Marginal Workers786354562407
Non Workers1267074976176948

Kairana Urban

CategoryTotal PopulationMaleFemale
Kairana (Urban)890004704741953
0-6 years160783047770
SC population508727342353
ST Population853
Literate (Urban Kairana)344412137013071
Total Workers23551220981453
Main Workers21434203081126
Marginal Workers21171790327
Non Workers654492429940500


Definitions of Categories

Main workers:

Main workers were those who had worked for the major part of the year preceding the date of enumeration i.e., those who were engaged in any economically productive activity for 183 days (or six months) or more during the year.

Marginal workers:

Marginal workers were those who worked any time at all in the year preceding the enumeration but did not work for a major part of the year, i.e., those who worked for less than 183 days (or six months).


Non-workers were those who had not worked any time at all in the year preceding the date of enumeration.

Cultivator: For purposes of the Census, a person is classified as cultivator if he or she is engaged in cultivation of land owned or from government or from private persons or institutions for payment in money, kind or share. Cultivation also includes effective supervision or direction in cultivation. Cultivation involves ploughing, sowing, harvesting and production of cereals and millet crops such as wheat, paddy, jowar, bajra, ragi, etc., and other crops such as sugarcane, tobacco, ground-nuts, tapioca, etc., and pulses, raw jute and kindred fiber crop, cotton, cinchona and other medicinal plants, fruit growing, vegetable growing or keeping orchards or groves, etc. Cultivation does not include the plantation crops like– tea, coffee, rubber, coconut and betel nuts (areca). The workers engaged in Plantation crops are recorded under “other workers”.

Agricultural labourer: A person who works on another person’s land for wages in cash or kind or share is regarded as an agricultural labourer. She/he has no risk in the cultivation, but merely works on another person’s land for wages. An agricultural labourer has no right of lease or contract on land on which she/he works.

Household industry worker: Household industry is defined as an industry conducted by one or more members of the household at home or within the village in rural areas and only within the precincts of the house where the household lives in urban areas. The larger proportion of workers in household industry should consist of members of the household. The industry should not be run on the scale of a registered under the Indian Factories Act and should be engaged in manufacturing, processing, servicing and repairs of goods. The activity relate to production, processing, servicing, repairing or making and selling of goods. It does not include professions such as a pleader, Doctor, Musician, Dancer, Waterman, Astrologer, Dhobi, Barber, etc. or merely trade or business, even if such professions, trade or services are run at home by members of the household.















Kairana and kandhla are a both town and Nagarpalika. There is around 80 thousand population in kairana (rural), 20% of who are Hindus. Kandhla is inhabited by around 60 thousand people, 15% of which are Hindus. Both towns are geographically and politically located in the district of Shamli, western U.P, bordering Haryana. As far as the occupation of the Muslims in these regions is concerned, large number of Muslims, especially the caste communities Ansari, Mansuri, Rajput, Dhobi ,Nai and Nilgar work as daily wages labourers and travel to Panipat, Haryana each day in search of livelihood. The Muslim Gujjars in the region are involved in cultivation and as agricultural labourers. The Sheikh and Sayyed communities are involved in small businesses, and predominantly in the form of textile and garment shops, grocery shops etc. This finding was discovered by the fact finding team and correlated with the census data at hand as there is no caste based census data available by the government. The Hindu community in both the towns belong predominantly to the Jain, Gupta, Mittal, Goyal, Saini, Gujjar, Jat and kashyap castes and communities. In Kairana alone, the Jain, Gupta, mittal, Goyal communities have control and ownership of almost 70% of the economic resources. These castes control businesses like cement, iron, hardware etc. Jat, Saini, and Gujjar communities are associated with the agricultural activities in the region. A similar condition can be seen in Kandhla. As is seen in the census data, there is also a considerable population of Dalit communities in the region, who are mostly daily wage labourers. Muslims are in majority but economically Hindus are more prosperous in both the towns. Muslim and Dalit communities have no choice of employment in Kairana and Khandla and hence migrate in large scales to Haryana in search of the same. More than 75% migrant labourers from the region are Muslims.

Kairana is a Vidhan Sabha constituency in itself and the town of Kandhla falls under the political jurisdiction of the Shamli Vidhan Sabha constituency. The Gujjar community hold political power in the constituency of Kairana, irrespective of the party they represent. Kandhla however is dominated politically by the Jat community. It can be conclusively stated that caste plays a very important role in the region in the issues of political power.

Social Background of Kairana

Kairana has an interesting social structure and dynamics. As already mentioned, Kairana is home to both Hindu and Muslim Gurjar communities. There instances in the village where people belonging to the same family belong to different religions. The identities of religion and caste of the population here weigh almost equal in terms of solidarity and unity. There exist practices such as “hookah” which the Hindu and Muslim Gurjar communities participate in together. The otherwise strict rules of not inter-dining with people from other religions are relaxed owing to the fact that they all belong to the same community.

In matters of religion alone, both the Hindu and Muslim communities are intertwined in various ways. They share certain spaces and institutions which have led to these spaces gaining a syncretic character to them. Places of commerce, though dominated by the Hindu savarna population, are also home to Muslim street vendors and customers. Though 90% of lawyers are from savarna Hindu communities, their clientele comprise mostly of the Muslim communities. Even though there is a difference in religions, many cultural sacraments remain alike for both the communities.

It would also be interesting to note that savarna Muslims are given their due recognition by the savarna Hindus, and they join hands in their oppression of the Valmiki, Khatir and Chamar Dalit communities. There is a social exclusion of the Dalit communities that can be seen in the town of Kairana. The Dalit communities are forced to live outside the city limits in a gated enclosure which are also home to the temples and common areas they have been allowed access to. The gates of this enclosure are also not open all the time, and closed at particular times of the day. These rules are synonymous to the practice of untouchability as this highly restricts the freedom of movement and access to communities on the basis of their caste.

Political Background

Kairana is represented as a constituency in the Vidhan Sabha, while Kandhla is part of the Shamli Vidhan Sabha constituency. In Kairana constituency, Gujjar communities are extremely strong politically. Irrespective of their party affiliation (Samajwadi party, Lokdal, Congress, BJP, Bahujan Samajwadi party), the Gujjar communities have held on to political power. In Shamli Vidhan Sabha constituency however, the Jat community is dominant with just a few instances of Gujjar leaders holding power. Caste is one of the major determining forces in the politics of this region.

The area presently under question for communal tensions has a history of peaceful coexistence even in the face of adversity. The area was left untouched by both the communal riots during the partition and also during the Ayodhya Ram Mandir riots. The area has been oblivious to not just communal violence, but communal tensions have also been negligible. Kairana, Bagpat and Muzaffarnagar were once part of the same constituency and are also considered the stronghold of Ex-Prime Minister Chaudhary Charan Singh. Choudhary Charan Singh and his wife Gayatri Devi have both been elected representatives of the constituency in the past. Mr Hukum Singh has also been elected from this constituency a number of times while representing Congress. Similarly, many Muslim Gurjar leaders have also represented the constituency in Parliament from Lok Dal and Samajwadi Party. Mr Hukum Singh is presently the representative of the constituency from the Bhartiya Janta Party.

There have been speculations that Mr Hukum Singh plans on handing the reigns of his political career over to his daughter, Mriganka Singh. This trend has a number of precedents and is not uncommon in our country’s politics. In the upcoming UP state assembly elections, Mriganka Singh is set to contest from BJP for representing the Kairana constituency. The issue of Hindu migrations from Kairana was supposed to be one of the prominent agendas and issues to be raised during the upcoming elections. The issue escalated from a discrepancy in one of the booth management surveys which showed a few families missing. This formed the basis for the allegations made by Mr Hukum Singh later as is embodied in the list of 346 families that was released by him. People from the close circles of Mr Hukum Singh have also opined that the scale to which the issue escalated was not anticipated by him.

The tensions between the communities that have followed the allegations have however proven to be quite beneficial for some political parties, and hence cannot be seen a mere co-incidence. The developments in the issue point to an orchestrated attempt to polarise the voters communally.

In the aftermath of Muzaffarnagar riots in September 2013, there is a need to inspect carefully the claims that might trigger communal polarisation. The region of Shamli-Muzaffarnagar-Kairana is still to recover from the muzaffarnagar riots, with a displaced population of almost 50,000. Work for the rehabilitation of these survivors is still going on, and the allegations made by Mr Hukum Singh might have a detrimental effect on the rehabilitation of survivors.

The fact finding team has found the allegations made by Mr Hukum Singh baseless and not even close to the realities of Kairana. Despite media filling the television screens with the Kairana allegations, the differing and contradictory stands taken by Mr Hukum Singh himself were somehow left out. Mr Hukum Singh has changed his statement and allegation with time, from alleging a communally motivated displacement of Hindu families to denying the role of communal forces in the alleged displacement. The fact finding team plans on inspecting each of the allegations made and verifying their congruence with reality. For the same, the team plans to collect primary data through interviews from the people of Kairana who are stakeholders in the allegations made. The study and analysis of secondary data in the form of newspaper articles, government data etc. will also be used. A total of 200 families in kairana and 63 families in Kandhla were covered during the team’s exploration of the issues at hand.

What is the problem? An analysis of Media reports and statements


Recently in the poll bound UP, the BJP raked up the issue of a mass exodus from Kairana, a small town in Shamli district in UP. According to MP Hukum Singh “many Hindu families were forced to leave Kairana town in Western Uttar Pradesh due to ‘threat’ from a particular community”. (PTI, 2016 ) Stating the above he released a list of 346 families who had been forced to flee the town.  A day later he added that the 346 Hindu families who had fled their homes in Kairana town had done so due to “threat and extortion by criminal elements belonging to a particular community”. (PTI, 2016)He added “It is not about communal incidents…It is not about Hindus or Muslims, the list may not be foolproof. This is about law and order.” The MP alleged that “Muslim gangs” such as the Mukeem Kala and Furhaan gangs were a “menace in western UP and that “local criminal elements have established their roots in Kairana by getting political patronage of a particular party”. (PTI, 2016)Step by step the MP highlighted that the reason for the mass exodus were threats and extortion by a local Muslim gangster who had political backing from the Samajwadi party government.

Soon after the list of 346 persons was released BJP party chief Amit Shah said at a massive rally in Allahabad, that only the BJP can defeat the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh  and exhorted the state not to take “Kairana lightly.” (Biswas, 2016). The issue was taken up by number of Ministers from the BJP party and the cabinet issuing statements in media that the law and order issue ought to be taken seriously. Home Minister Rajnath Singh, member of the BJP party called for action by the State government if the incidents were true.  (PTI, Ahmedabad, 2016)Minister of State for Home Kiren Rijiju spoke of the deteriorating law and order situation in Uttar Pradesh under the current government. Maneka Gandhi said that there is neither development nor safety, adding the Samajwadi Party Government has no shame about the rising crimes in the state. (ANI, 2016) Ministers of the BJP were indicating that law and order under SP government had deteriorated through their remarks.

In statements made at election campaigns the BJP leaders have time and again sought to point out a ‘particular community’ as responsible for communal riot, terror, hooliganism, and . On the eve of the bypoll in UP in August 2014, Sangeet Som BJP MLA said that “youth from a particular community are involved in eve-teasing Hindu girls, the situation was so bad that girls cannot move out freely.” (Verma, 2014)Similar statements to criminalize ‘a particular community’ blaming them for starting communal riot were made by Yogi Adityanath. (Express News Service, 2014)Further, in the by-election campaign in 2016 in Uttar Pradesh, Muslims were equated with hooliganism and terror emphasizing the need to prevent the migration of Hindus and restore their honour. (Bhardwaj, 2016) In the same line of rhetoric in Kairana the MP pointed out that threats and extortion were by criminal elements from a ‘particular community’.

Backed by a political party as the BJP claims, Mukeem Kala the gangster in Kairana was an extortionist who extorted traders both Hindus and Muslims motivated by personal gain for huge sums of money. His activity had caused only three persons from the list of 346 to flee the town. Earlier in 2013 a riot set off by criminal elements and motivated by political gain forced more than 50,000 people to flee their homes in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli district in UP.

MP Hukum Singh openly discarded the communal angle to the mass exodus in his statement, but party members tried to stir the communal plot while attacking the SP government and pointing out certain kind of criminals. Sangeet Som BJP MLA had proposed to take up a Padyatra from Kairana to Kandhla as a response to the mass exodus of Hindus, which was prevented by MP Singh.  A party leader claimed that the BJP was scouting for other ‘Kairanas’ in the State, where similar migration has taken place. (Rashid, 2016) The Minister released a second list titled “Kandhla se palayan karne wale pariwaron ki soochi” – a list of 63 on 14th June. (Express News Service, 2016)

In multiple ways indirectly the party aimed at polarization in Shamli. The party members have indulged in hate speech propaganda in the villages of Bijnor, Rajhaar, Badwar in Shamli and Muzaffarnagar districts in the past  (Aaj Tak, 2014) (PTI, 2014) The BJP party President Amit Shah has been reputed with hate speeches in the region famous for pitting one community against the other. At Rajhaar village in district of Shamli, the BJP party President while campaigning for Lok Sabha elections in 2014 referred to the Muzzaffarnagar violence and addressed the gathering saying, ‘the revenge for insult will have to be taken’. (India Today, 2014)

Categorically ignoring the exodus of riot victims who fled the Muzzafarnagar violence in 2013, in Kairana a parallel was drawn to the exodus of Pandits from the Kashmir valley. To this day 5200 families of internally displaced people (IDPs) live in 63 relief camps in Shamli and Muzaffarnagar district. Many IDPs are settled in camps in Kairana. The families fear return due to the volatility of the political and economic situation back home. Speaking for the plight of a single community proved the party’s promise of ‘sabka saath sabka vikas’ was far from true.

Investigation and tracking down of names by the Indian Express and Times of India exposed that people on the list had died and some left looking for better prospects. (Ranal, 2016) (Vatsa, 2016)By fact some on the list who were interviewed said that they had left due to tension during the Muzaffarnagar riots fearing that they will not be able to earn a livelihood in such an environment. Another investigation by Shamli administration found that out of the 346 families listed by Mr. Singh the administration probed 119 of which it found 68 had left Kairana 10-15 years ago for employment, business, and education of children, health and other services. Several on the list were dead and some were found still living in Kairana. It was also reported that some BJP party workers were themselves confused about the names on the list. (Rai, 2016) A group of Hindu sants submitted a report to the Chief Minister in which they rejected the exodus. (PTI, 2016)

Migration of Hindu families from Kairana and Kandhla

The town of Kairana has very few industries and hence job opportunities. The most affected by the above are the Dalit communities and other marginalities which do not own land. Sustenance is difficult for people by doing odd jobs. Low literacy rates in Kairana and lack of technical training has narrowed the options for these communities. Poverty is also on the rise due to lack of employment. The only feasible solution in the circumstance is migration to either Panipat or Shamli. Due to the abundance of employment opportunities, most of the youth of Kairana from both Muslim and Hindu communities leave for shamli or Panipat in the morning for daily wage labour. There is however economic exploitation at the hands of middle men because of their circumstance. Poverty and unemployment also pushes the people towards deviance and crime. The upper class of both the communities are complacent with the situation as it provides them both cheap labour and protection of privilege. It is also quite sad that all the various parties that exist in U.P have also not addressed the issue and worked towards providing employment opportunities in the region. This apathy of the political cadres has led to the situation in Kairana presently. Basic facilities and infrastructure such as education, health, employment and electricity are quite precarious in Kairana, leading to people migrating.

The narratives of communal hatred, violence and tensions cannot be easily disqualified. Post the muzaffarnagar riots, many Muslim families fled from their homes. There are many families that were petrified to enter Muzaffarnagar again, leading them to build temporary settlements outside muzaffarnagar. It was later by the encouragement of the Government and to politicians like Mr Munwar Hassan, the present MLA representing Kairana, gave constructed accommodation for the displaced by donating his 20 Bigha land. Though the action taken is completely necessary, this led to unforeseen consequences where due to the influx of a large-scale Muslim population, the insecurity among the Hindu communities increased. This insecurity is being cashed upon by political parties and right wing forces. Many Muslim organisations also centred on the migrant population furthering the insecurities. The migrant population had a number of unemployed youth and the education for the children was solely by Madrasas being provided by the Muslim organisations. The polarisation of communities caused by the Muzaffarnagar riots has affected Kairana as well. The branding of communities with certain stereotypes and assigning political affiliations on them has increased. Later, the political charades that surrounded the incident made the situation worse. Feigning normalcy at the surface, but infested deeply under. As this has proved beneficial for the political parties, they want to maintain the status quo of the situation and not intervene productively.

Muslim gangs and the law and order situation in kairana

There are many issues of law and order in Kairana, however the narratives we gathered from the field differ drastically from the allegations made by Mr Hukum Singh. The situation of law and order seems to be bleak in Kairana as there is an influence of Upper caste, Upper class, and Mafia on the law enforcement agencies. There are many anti-social elements which are rampant in Kairana encouraged by their political patronages. There are numerous cases against Mukim Kala and the Furkan gang for extortion and violence. Many local Hindu businessmen have also complained that money is not extorted from Muslim businessmen. The mention of Dhanugahi, where five businessmen had received threats from the gangs, also was one of the instances that were mentioned. The families were provided with security by the police, but when the protection was removed after 8 month, two of the five people were murdered. During the same time period, there have also been eleven Muslim individuals who were murdered, out of which there were three women who were raped before being murdered. There are many gangs that have political patronage and interestingly these gangs have members from both the Hindu and Muslim communities.

Many established businessmen in the region who are faring well economically have accepted the dominance of these anti-social elements for protecting their interests. The communities in the region have also come together to demand action against these gangs and organised bandhs, but their demands fell on deaf ears.

There are also many cases of caste based atrocities in Kairana, which the local population has alleged, the government to be lethargic towards. There has been no mobilisation around the issues of caste and caste based atrocities, which was quite prevalent during the tenure of Mayavati and Bahujan Samajwadi Party.

Our team also found that a mixed group of criminals consisted of Hindu and Muslims are active in the area and a separate criminal gang consisting only of Hindus also exists in the region. Further, there are several looting and murder cases against these Hindu criminals. Amit from village khandravli, under the jurisdiction of the police station of kandhla, is the head of the gang. This gang was booked for extortion and threatening people’s lives. Secondly, Vipul alias Khooni from Bhabissa also runs criminal gang and he is also one of the top five most wanted criminals of kandhla police station. There are two others from Jasala village named Sonu and Rahul in top five most wanted criminals list, charged with serious offences such as dacoit, murder and extortion. It is interesting to note that despite the claims made by Mr Hukum Singh, four out of the five most wanted criminals in the region are Hindus. An award of Rs 50000 was being offered for any information that led to the arrest of another criminal in the list by the name Rahul Khattar. He was later shot and killed by the police after he tried to extort money from Mr Chaman Siddiqui from Kandhla. The Muqeem gang, which is claimed to be a Muslim gang, has allies with the Dujana gang in Ghaziabad lead by Anil Dujana. Anil is from Greater Noida his criminal record is spread over Ghaziyabad, Meerut and Bulandshahar while also maintaining considerable influence over all of western U.P. He is renowned criminal in the area. He is accused of several murders, robbery, and kidnapping cases.  He and the members of his gang are at present convicted and sentenced incarcerated.

The information above has been provided in our interactions and interviews with the Police departments of the region. The Superintendent of Police Mr. A.K Jha has categorically stated that the criminal elements in the region are not communally motivated as Mr Hukum Singh has claimed. In the past five years, there have been 12 murders registered by the police in Kairana, in eight of which Hindu individuals are the victims.

The claim of Mr Hukum Singh that the Police are partial in favour of the Muslim community also seems to be contradictory to the truth. One such example can be to examine two cases with the same legal complications and the differing attitudes of the Police in both the cases.

In January 2016, a Hindu girl and a Muslim boy eloped together from Kandhla. An FIR was registered by the by the girl’s family against the whole boy’s family claiming that their daughter has been kidnapped by accused. Three relatives of the boy were arrested and kept in custody till the till the boy surrendered. The relatives have complained that they were physically assaulted and harassed in custody. The girl, after surrendering was sent to Nari Niketan till she appears before the Magistrate and the family was allowed to see the girl. Politicians from BJP also visited her during her stay at the Nari Niketan.

In August 2015, a Muslim girl ran away with a Hindu boy from Daha village. The girl’s father registered a case against three family members of the boy. The couple was incognito for almost 25 days, and there was no action taken by the Police with the claim that the FIR will be lodged only after the girl’s statement. The family members were also restricted from seeing the girl till she gave her statement in front of the magistrate under section 164.

These cases are just a glimpse into many other similar instances which not just dismantle the allegation of partiality in favour of Muslims, but point towards islamophobia attitudes of the police. Another such example can be seen in one of the cases our team studied:

Out of the members of Amit gang from Khandravli, five individuals were accused of extortion and demanding ransom. They caught by the police on the spot and a FIR was filed against the five but only two of the accused were arrested the rest three were given relief. This happened with the intervention of many influential Gujjar leaders from the region who facilitated a compromise between the accused and the aggrieved. While on the other hand, cases against Muslim individuals was registered, accused of random firing (gunshots into the air) as a mark of celebration on winning the panchayat elections. Four individuals were named in the charged in the case, but several people were kept under police custody for a long time. Despite the fact that the accused have applied for bail, they have been denied their right to do so. In such case five other Muslim boys from khandravli have been booked by police station Kandhla and Kairana. 

The allegations of Mr Hukum singh on the increasing crimes on Hindu women by Muslim perpetrators is also to be considered. This allegation comes also in the context of the “Love Jihad” that had surfaced around 3 years ago. In this regard, our team visited the Vijay Pathik Degree College, Kairana to investigate. The college consists of 50% Muslim students and the management has informed us that there have been no cases of eve teasing, kidnapping or sexual assault registered from anywhere near Kairana.

For a more in-depth analysis of the allegation, we could inspect one case in particular that was cited time and again by Mr Hukum Singh in this regard. The details of the case as our team explored and analysed is as below:   

A married woman was kidnapped from Sunehti village and murdered by four individuals, two of whom were Hindu. Hukam singh organised a press conference in support of the two Hindu accused in the murder of the kashyap lady from sunehti village. The list of 376 families had already been released by the time this allegation was added to the previous set. S.P. Shamli said in his report that Hukam Singh is making false allegations on police as they have investigated all the relevant facts and evidence in regard to the two kashyap boys and found them equally guilty in the murder. The lady murdered belonged to kashyap community, which contributes as one of the major vote banks for Mr Hukum Singh.

Our team has found that the issue was used as a method of polarising the Kashyap community communally. The community has more than 30000 votes in kairana Vidhan sabha constituency. These attempts at polarisation seem to be a tactic to gain unequivocal support of the Kashyap community.


In the findings of team, we can conclusively state that the exodus of 347 Hindu families from kairana and 63 Hindu families from Kandhla due to communal forces targeting Hindu population by Mr Hukum Singh is baseless and false. There are evidences to suggest that the allegations that were made by the said politician were with the intention to polarise communities on communal lines to his benefit in the upcoming UP state elections.

The claims of Muslim criminal gangs are also quite contrary to reality as there are criminal elements present from both religions in the area which points more towards a need for the law and order situation rather than hinting at communal tensions. The selective targeting of any community by criminal elements, either Hindu or Muslim, is non-existent as is substantiated by the various case studies presented in the report.

There are however issues in Kairana-Kandhla-Muzaffarnagar region that needs to be addressed. The lack of employment and working opportunities in the area have led to the migration of a more than 1 lakh people from the region to cities such as Panipat, Sonipat etc. The resources of the region are concentrated in the hands of a few powerful castes and the economic and social upliftment of the marginalised castes in the region and Dalits has to be addressed by the political cadres.


  • The use of employment guarantee programmes and other schemes of the government to build the skill set of the working population in kairana.
  • Attempts at communalising areas which are already sensitive should be taken strict and swift action against under section 153(A) and section 295 (A).
  • The judiciary and law enforcement agencies should be directed to be impartial in the disposition of their duties and to adhere to constitutional values.