A bilingual book in English and Urdu is an aesthetically beautiful thing. One script runs from left to right, the other the opposite way. In perfect symmetry, the book splits in half, with the last pages of both versions meeting in the middle. Depending on which script you choose to read first, the back cover of that book is the front cover of the other language half.
But the symmetry can be deceptive, as it most certainly was in the case of the bilingual dock workersâ union booklet I encountered in the British East India Office archives in London. It may lead you to think that reading either version is enough to reveal the contents of the book to you. Language, however, is a tool of power, and militant labour union members in early twentieth century Bombay were clearly aware of the possibilities of using their knowledge of multiple languages against the machinations of an exploitative colonial state. For historians of multilingual societies, therefore, it is imperative to read beyond the language of government, with a careful eye to translation.
The Bombay Dock Workersâ Union was founded in 1931 by Dr. M. R. Shetty and Hansraj Gulati, and consisted primarily of stevedores who worked in the Bombay docks. The English cover of their constitution booklet is quite uninteresting. The Urdu cover however, reveals two interesting differences.
The two halves of the booklet were printed at different locations- the names of the presses therefore are different. While the English half was printed in Fort, the section of the city that housed Bombayâs elite- Europeans and Indians- the Urdu half was printed in Kamathipura, which was inhabited primarily by labourers. In 1931 the number of persons per acre in Kamathipura was 602, while that in Fort North was 163 and Fort South was 26 (Census of India 1931, Vol 9, Part I). Following the material history of the union rulebook itself, therefore, gives us a glimpse into the vastly unequal distribution of population and resources in twentieth century Bombay city.
Even more interestingly, the Urdu cover adds one extra line to the cover details. The line at the very top of the cover reads: Ay mazdooran-e alam ittefaq karo, or âWorkers of the world, unite!â That this rallying cry of labour movements worldwide, popularized from the last words of Marxâs Communist Manifesto, was omitted from the English cover was no accident. At a time when labour unions were treated with great suspicion and repression by the colonial government, the Bombay Dock Workersâ Union was among the most militant in Bombay. Not all unions in India at the time were communist, yet all unions and their activities were closely monitored. The fact that the rulebook of the Dock Workersâ Union ended up in a government file in London containing the rules and regulations of several other unions, associations and chambers of commerce based in Bombay, testifies to this very surveillance.
In 1932 the Chief Presidency Magistrate sentenced M.R. Shetty, then President of the Dock Workersâ Union to a yearâs imprisonment, along with two other labour leaders on charges of sedition and âcreating class hatredâ. Dr. Shetty was found guilty for addressing a May Day audience of about 600 workers, demanding âinternational independenceâ from capitalists and zamindars, and suggesting that India was being looted with the governmentâs knowledge. The calls made by the other convicted speakers allegedly included demands for a âLabourerâs Rajâ to fight against imperialism, a general strike that would âcripple the capitalistsâ and Kisan Sabhas (peasantsâ associations) that should follow neither Congress nor the Bengal revolutionaries but the principles enumerated by M.N. Roy, founder of the Communist Party of India. (Times of India, August 3, 1932).
Earlier in 1932 the Dock Workersâ Union had struck with a 1000 dock labourers protesting the use of middlemen in contracting their labour, claiming that they received only 25 percent of the wages due to them. The strike may not have been an immediate success, but the union kept playing a crucial role in organizing dock workers to demand more from their employers in future. By 1941 the very same Times of India that had decried the âCommunist elementâ in 1932 for âintimidatingâ and âmolestingâ âloyalâ workers at picket lines, was eager to describe the âevilsâ inherent in the system of recruiting stevedores through middlemen. The East India Cotton Association banned the system of using middlemen contractors (serangs and tindals) in 1939 and gave themselves thanks for the âinitiative and courage shown by the Trusteesâ since âthe mere elimination of the middleman [had] resulted in a rise of about 30 percent in the earnings of workers.â The work of the Bombay Dock Workersâ Union was therefore as crucial for Bombayâs labour movement as it was a cause of concern for the shipping companies and the government. Particularly threatening to the colonial government was the prospect of collaboration between striking dock workers and the Congress calling for a boycott of ships carrying British goods.
Facing such a climate of repression, with the might of colonial law and police arraigned against their organizing activities, it is no surprise that the union should choose to leave any overt references to Communism out of its English rulebook. Despite the missing slogan, however, the language of the rules themselves made the political leanings of the union rather clear. Compared to the objectives of the National Seamenâs Union of Indiaâs rulebook, for example (âto foster a spirit of unity, friendship, and self-help among the membersâ and to âhelp the working classes in India and outsideâ), the Dock Workersâ Union set themselves a more radical task of class-building and politics (âto foster the spirit of solidarity and class consciousness amongst the workers through agitation and propaganda pointing out the identity of their interestâ and âto help any movement that has for its object the welfare and advancement of the working classâ).
The leadership of the Bombay Dock Workersâ Union was also interesting: in 1935 it ranged from men, both Hindu and Muslim, like M.R. Shetty, Deen Mohammad and Mohammad Ibrahim to women like Maniben Kara. Not only is the history of such unions- their organizers and members- grievously under researched, but so is the wider history of the dock workers, lascars and seamen of colonial Bombay. If the historian does not approach with an eye to the multilingual life inhabited by these workers and union leaders, the histories of the subject that we write will remain commensurately lacking.
If you are interested in learning more about the history of dock workers of Bombay, read Mariam Dossalâs essay âGodis, tolis and mathadis: dock workers of Bombayâ.
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https://archivenama.wordpress.com/author/tanibee/
January 4, 2018 at 9:17 pm
The book is an example of the unity of people irrespective of locations and languages. English and Urdu have been used to inspire people of the working class